歌仔冊《最新十二碗菜歌》的語言分析
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2021-12-??
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國立台灣師範大學國文學系
Department of Chinese, NTNU
Department of Chinese, NTNU
Abstract
歌仔冊是民間傳統的閩南語文獻，保留了早期大量的庶民語料，本文以 20 世紀初的《最新十二碗菜歌》為材料，首先分析其三種版本的來由和異同，並略述此文本的主旨內容。其次探究其聲韻規律屬性，分別從韻母、聲調兩大面向進行剖析，韻母方面從九個複合韻目找出「定韻字」，並以這九個複合韻目之音讀為此文本「定腔韻」，得出此文本的方音屬性為泉州海口腔，簡稱為「泉海腔」，聲調上並從去聲不分陰陽及陽平、陽去變調相同來應證其方音屬性。末尾的字詞特色則分八例泉腔特徵詞、四種近代借詞、十例易誤解字詞三個部分詳加探討。
Kua-á (歌仔) booklets ("songbooks") — folk works in long-form metered verse — are a staple in Hokkien folk literature, serving as a priceless record of life and language in the early modern period especially. I begin by summarizing the early 20th century Tsuè Sin 12 Uánn Tshài Kua. I also discuss the relationship between this and two other versions of the same work. I then probe the phonological characteristics of the underlying dialect of Hokkien. First, having identified nine dialectologically significant rimes, I examine verses that feature rhyming (sentence-final) syllables involving these rimes that do not vary across dialects (tīng-ūn jī 定韻字) alongside those that do (tīng-khiunn ūn 定腔韻). I conclude that the underlying dialect is the so-called Hái-kháu (海口, "seaward") dialect of Tsuân-tsiu (泉州). Next, consistent with this finding, I note that Hàn-jī (漢字) with tsiūnn-khìr (上去) tone readings are borrowed to write ēkhìr (下去) tone syllables, and vice versa, indicating that the two tones are not istinct in citation form; it is also evident that the ē-khìr and ē-piânn (下平) tones are commingled in non-citation form. Last, I discuss eight Tsuân-tsiu-specific words used in the book; four kinds of modern loanwords; and 10 words that modern readers are apt to misinterpret.
Kua-á (歌仔) booklets ("songbooks") — folk works in long-form metered verse — are a staple in Hokkien folk literature, serving as a priceless record of life and language in the early modern period especially. I begin by summarizing the early 20th century Tsuè Sin 12 Uánn Tshài Kua. I also discuss the relationship between this and two other versions of the same work. I then probe the phonological characteristics of the underlying dialect of Hokkien. First, having identified nine dialectologically significant rimes, I examine verses that feature rhyming (sentence-final) syllables involving these rimes that do not vary across dialects (tīng-ūn jī 定韻字) alongside those that do (tīng-khiunn ūn 定腔韻). I conclude that the underlying dialect is the so-called Hái-kháu (海口, "seaward") dialect of Tsuân-tsiu (泉州). Next, consistent with this finding, I note that Hàn-jī (漢字) with tsiūnn-khìr (上去) tone readings are borrowed to write ēkhìr (下去) tone syllables, and vice versa, indicating that the two tones are not istinct in citation form; it is also evident that the ē-khìr and ē-piânn (下平) tones are commingled in non-citation form. Last, I discuss eight Tsuân-tsiu-specific words used in the book; four kinds of modern loanwords; and 10 words that modern readers are apt to misinterpret.