卓蘭饒平客家話與東勢客家話去聲調的小稱調隱晦現象

Abstract

本研究透過親屬方言比較，探討卓蘭饒平與東勢客家話部分去聲調的小稱調隱晦現象。研究字表包含30個去聲調字，對比方言為苗栗四縣、竹東海陸、中壢過嶺與新竹地區饒平、卓蘭饒平與東勢等客家話。這30個字在四縣與海陸客家話中均以後接小稱詞綴來形成小稱詞，但在中壢過嶺與新竹地區饒平客家話則是部分加小稱後綴，部分則無小稱後綴而是帶[24]小稱調。在卓蘭饒平與東勢客家話裡，這些字均以帶去聲調的單音節形式出現。比較結果顯示，卓蘭饒平客家話部分[55]去聲調與東勢客家話部分[53]去聲調本質上是小稱調，只是兼具小稱調角色的去聲調數量不多，因此淹沒在眾多去聲本調當中，部分去聲調做為小稱調的角色就被隱晦了，唯有透過親屬方言比較方能凸顯出來。

his study investigated the diminutive opacity of Qu tones in Zhuolan Raoping Hakka (ZRH) and Dongshi Hakka by comparing the diminutive formation in cognate Hakka dialects. The word list consisted of 30 monosyllables, and the compared Hakka dialects included Miaoli Sixian, Chudong Hailu, Chungli and Hsinchu Raoping, ZRH and Dongshi. The comparative results showed that Miaoli Sixian Hakka and Chudong Hailu Hakka formed their diminutives by attaching the diminutive suffixes [e31] and [ə55] to the monosyllables respectively. Chungli and Hsinchu Raoping Hakka created their diminutives partly with attaching the diminutive suffix [e53] to the monosyllables, but partly without such suffixation. In ZRH and Dongshi Hakka, the diminutives surfaced in monosyllabic forms, with neither diminutive suffixes nor diminutive tones. This study argued that part of the Qu tones in ZRH and Dongshi Hakka, in essence, are diminutive tones. However, compared with a large number of words with Qu citation tones, those Qu tones with diminutive roles turned out to be opaque. Only through comparing the ways of diminutive formation among cognate dialects can the opaque diminutive roles of Qu tones be revealed.