三至七世紀江南社會與政權關係──以變亂與信仰為中心

Abstract

本文的課題為三至七世紀，也就是建康政權始建立，至華北政權再次統治江南，南北禮制又趨一統的時間斷限，以變亂與信仰作為主要視角，分析江南社會與政權的互動、歸納江南歷代變亂原因，並釐清宗教變亂信仰歸屬，梳理各信仰此間流變。江南變亂不僅有直接的武裝變亂，也有透過文化手段如神祇的塑造，對政權進行抵抗。江南民風「尚鬼神」，包括佛、道與祠神，皆是變亂的重要元素；而政權不僅會因應宗教變亂祭出相關措施，甚至也會利用江南祠神來打擊或威嚇北方政權。由於史書對宗教變亂的描述隱晦，本文透過釐清變亂者事蹟，判斷其宗教信仰歸屬，梳理江南的宗教信仰流變，並分析、歸納變亂的原因。漢末至兩晉時期，江南主要盛行道教，爾後已逐漸融入傳統文化的佛教，也成為宗教變亂的重要號召。而南北朝盛行的末劫思想，由於過往政權對道教的警戒，以及南方彌勒信仰在蕭梁之前尚未與末劫思想結合，故並未出現於政治核心揚州；隋唐後即有彌勒信徒陸續變亂。本文還探討祠神在江南地區被多重力量所形塑和利用的情境。江南雖好巫俗，盛行厲鬼，卻非所有祠神皆是厲鬼。項羽、蔣子文、廬山神等，皆以厲鬼形象先被塑造；蘇峻、陳果仁、汪華等變亂領袖成神者，則未曾是厲鬼。而這些祠神於禮制祀典中獲封爵位的上限，與地緣有莫大關係，如蔣子文、蘇峻、陳果仁信仰皆流行南方政權首都附近，得以成為國家級祠神。歷經魏晉南北朝長期分裂三百餘年後，七世紀再入華北統一政權的隋唐，欲逐步一統國家禮制，如武周時狄仁傑禁毀淫祠，最終留下的江南祠廟，幾乎都是有「化民成俗」效果的儒教先賢，僅「人格化」的江水神伍子胥較例外，因為江南對於航運安全的需要，被官方認可保留，以兼顧禮制與江南風俗、地理環境需要，並達成安定地域社會之效果。

This paper explores the period from the third to the seventh century, covering the establishment of the Jiankang regime to the resurgence of North China's rule over Jiangnan. The study focuses on turmoil and belief systems, analyzing the interaction between Jiangnan society and political authorities. It synthesizes the historical causes of unrest in Jiangnan, clarifies the religious affiliations of upheavals, and traces the evolution of various beliefs in this region. Jiangnan's unrest includes not only direct armed uprisings but also cultural resistance through the creation of deities. The local inclination towards the worship of gods, including Buddhism, Daoism, and ancestral spirits, plays a crucial role in upheavals. Authorities respond not only with religious measures but also by utilizing local deities to intimidate or challenge Northern regimes. Due to the vague descriptions of religious unrest in historical records, the paper clarifies the potential religious affiliations of rebels, examines the evolution of religious beliefs in Jiangnan, and analyzes and summarizes the causes of unrest.From the end of the Han Dynasty to the Jin period, Daoism predominated in Jiangnan, gradually incorporating Buddhism into traditional culture, becoming a significant rallying point for religious unrest. The prevalence of apocalyptic thinking during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, combined with past caution towards Daoism by ruling powers and the late integration of Southern Maitreya beliefs, prevented their emergence in the political core of Yangzhou. The Sui-Tang period witnessed the rise of Maitreya followers and subsequent unrest.The paper also investigates the shaping and utilization of local deities in Jiangnan. While the region embraces supernatural beliefs, not all deities are associated with malevolence. Figures like Xiang Yu, Jiang Ziweng, and Lushan Deity were initially portrayed as malevolent, creating fear to exert pressure on authorities for concessions. However, leaders like Su Jun, Chen Guoren, and Wang Hua were deified without the typical malevolent image, gaining recognition from subsequent regimes and serving as tools for political influence. The geographical distribution of these deities receiving noble titles correlates with regional political centers, contributing to their elevation to a national level. Following three centuries of division during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the Sui-Tang reunification in the seventh century aimed to establish a unified national ritual system. The actions taken during Wu Zetian's reign, such as the ban on immoral temples by Di Renjie, led to the preservation of Jiangnan temples predominantly dedicated to Confucian sages, ensuring adherence to ritual norms while accommodating local customs, geography, and maintaining social stability.