崩山八社租業的形成與終結 Start and Termination of Land Rantal in Beng Shen Ba She

dc.contributor 溫振華 zh_TW
dc.contributor CHENGHUA WEN en_US
dc.contributor.author 李宗信 zh_TW
dc.contributor.author CHUNGHSIN LI en_US
dc.date.accessioned 2019-09-03T10:33:49Z
dc.date.available 2010-10-2
dc.date.available 2019-09-03T10:33:49Z
dc.date.issued 2011
dc.description.abstract 本文是以清代以迄日治初期(1684-1904)臺灣中北部崩山八社為個案,所展開有關平埔族租業的歷史學研究,同時透過地理資訊系統(GIS),整合日治初期的地籍檔案,以呈現崩山八社公、私租業的完整圖像,進一步比對相關番、漢土地契約及檔案資料,以建構出崩山八社租業的演變過程。本文不僅精確地重現崩山各社社址,也完整地呈現各社的租業額度及其分布,同時發現崩山八社直到日治初期,仍有近6成的耕地帶有熟番租業,且其中有超過7成的租額仍在番社或熟番名下。本文認為,崩山八社最後的番租數額及其分布,其實與柯志明針對今新竹地區的熟番地權觀察相異,而與邵式柏針對今臺北樹林、三峽一帶番租分布的觀察較為接近。有別於邵式柏與柯志明分別據其研究個案而發展出「理性國家論」與「族群政治說」等相異的治臺策略理論及解釋架構,本文旨在論述崩山八社熟番租業存在的意義與地方社會的自主性。 為了有效理解崩山八社租業的形成過程,本文將崩山八社的租業範圍,區分為「番漢混墾區」、「漢墾區」及「隘屯區」等三個租權區,以釐清崩山八社不同租業型態的形成過程及其發展差異。其中,「番漢混墾區」多屬熟番祖遺、清廷給墾或合股購置之業,同時透過各種方式,努力保有其原本的土地狀態,並成為崩山各社僅存的業地。在「隘屯區」中,其租業型態主要以乾隆25年(1760)形成的「隘租」;以及乾隆末年形成的「屯租」為主。「隘屯區」的開墾多以合股制的方式展開,並在光緒13年劉銘傳清丈後,因小租戶的全面性抗納番租而逐漸流失。最後,「漢墾區」的租業型態,主要受到乾隆中葉以來成形的「番大租定額化」政策所影響,漢人番租權利者中,則以仕紳蔡振豐最為重要,他透過契買日南、日北兩社正供業戶,而得以包辦兩社租谷,進而累積個人財富。綜言之,崩山八社的「三個租權區」,其實充分反應了該地租業的異質性與多元性。 基本上,崩山八社在乾隆中葉的番大租定額化與在成熟的熟番政策制度下,番租作為一種資產,對於熟番社眾、社職人員、地方官僚以及漢人資本家等四種行動者而言,其實各有不同面向的意義;質言之,番租除了是各社熟番口糧的來源,同時也是地方官僚完收正供的對象;至於各社涉及番租管理的社職人員如土目、通事等,則常見以番租為質,向漢人典借金錢,使番租成為累積自身財富的手段,使各社社職因此成為番社內外各方人馬角力的目標。對漢人資本家而言,儘管照規定不得擔任番社社職,卻仍能透過對番社的借貸,成功達到把持社職、侵吞番租的目的。因此,數量一定的番租也因此成為官方、漢人資本家、熟番及社職人員等行動者,競相保護、奪取的對象。另一方面,從崩山各社於日治初期所遺留的番租數額來判斷,可發現清治末期劉銘傳所推動的番政改革,其實對於崩山八社的公共番租數值的維持,形成一定程度的保護效果,也使各社社務得以繼續運作,而社番生計因此獲得維持。最後,本文發現各社的私番租、口糧均出現集中於曾任社職人員的熟番名下,某種程度也呈現出社職人員兼併私番租口糧的現象。另從崩山各社公番租幾乎均分布於界內的番社附近來判斷,應可追溯至雍正年間的大甲西社事件善後處理以及各社對番業的經營管理策略。 最後,崩山八社直到日治初期殖民政府的大租權收買政策下,雖能獲取補償金或公債的補償,不過番租畢竟是崩山各社數百年來維持熟番生計與社務運作之所繫,一旦番租遭到終結,不僅影響各社熟番數百年來以收租為主的經濟生活,同時也連帶摧毀了番社內部的社務運作與社會組織,使熟番逐漸混同於漢人社會而難以區辨。 zh_TW
dc.description.abstract This paper is a case study based on Beng Shan Ba She in the middle- north in Taiwan from Qing Dynasty to Japanese colonial period. In addition to the study on the history of rental situations in Pingpu Tribe, this paper tries to integrate the cadastre files in the beginning of Japanese colonial period all together via GIS so as to present the whole picture about Beng Shan Ba She and the private files of the rental situations. Further, in order to present the development process of Beng Shan Ba She’s rental situations, this paper tries to check and compare the related files about the land contracts between the aboriginal and Han people. This paper tries to point out the exact locations of the various groups and also shows the distribution and the rental sum of money. Meanwhile, till the beginning of Japanese colonial period, there were up to sixty percent of cultivated lands under the aboriginal’s rights. More than seventy percent of rental were still owned by the aboriginals. This discovery is different from Chih-ming Ka’s observation on the aboriginal’s land rights in Hsinchu but similar to John R. Shepherdi’s studies on the ones distributed among Shulin and ShanXie in Taipei. Different from Chih-ming Ka’s and John R. Shepherdi’s studies which are based on case studies and develop the theories like rational nation and politics of tribal group respectively, this purpose of this paper is to figure out the meaning of Beng Shan Ba She’s existence and their social autonomy. In order to understand the development process of Beng Shan Ba She, this paper divide the land rights of Beng Shan Ba She into different parts, namely mixed cultivated area between the aboriginal and Han, Han cultivated land and Ai Tun Areas so as to understand the development process of these three types of land rights. Among them, the mixed cultivated lands were mostly passed down from the aboriginal’s ancestors, granted by Qing government and group purchasing. And they teamed up to reserve the lands which are the precious and rare lands in Beng Shen Ba She nowadays. In Ai Tun Areas , the land rights were mainly based on Ai rental and Tun rental formed in Qianlong 25th year and end of Qianlong years. Ai Tun Areas were mainly cultivated under the ways of join stock but the lands were disappeared gradually since the tenants declined to pay the original landlords after the policy of land measurement by Liu Mingchuan in Guang Xu 13th year. Last, the land rights of Han cultivated lands were mainly affected by the policy of fixed aboriginal rental in Qianlong years. Among Han people, Cai Zhenfeng is the most powerful land right holders. He accumulated his properties by buying Ri Nan’s and Ri Bei’s lands and further carried out the rental business. To sum up, these three rental areas in Beng Shan Ba She completely reflected a variety of land rights. Basically, rental was treated as assets under the aboriginal rental policy in Beng Shen Ba She in the middle years of Qianlong and for aboriginal, organization staff , government staff and the capitalists of Han people, it carried different meanings for different positions. In fact, rental business not only proved crop for the aboriginal but also was the tax source for the local government. As for the organization staff like aboriginal heads and interpreters, involved in rental business management usually used rental as guarantee to borrow money from Han people. That is to say rental was treated as a medium to accumulate their fortunes and also working in the rental organization was the goal for people in and out of the aboriginal tribes. For the capitalists of Han, they could borrow money from the tribes and further practice the society duty and than embezzled the rental at last in the society even though they are not allowed to work in the organization by law. Therefore, the government , capitalists of Han, the aboriginal and the tribe staff as well competed with one another and further tried to seize the rental business. On the other hand, seeing from the rental sum of money recorded from Japanese colonial period, we can find that the reform of aboriginal affairs carried out by Liu Ming Chuan was a protection for the rental business which helped the tribes to maintain their social operation and their income. Last, this paper finds that both the private land rights and crops were mostly under the ones who had served as staff in the rental organization. When judging form the situation that most of the public rental lands spreaded near to the aboriginal tribes, we can infer that the situation may be affected by Da Jia event and reflected the management strategies among the various tribes. Last, even though Beng Shan Be She could get the compensation from Japanese government under the policy of rental right., land rental business had provided the aboriginal income and maintained the whole society’s operation for the past hundreds of years. Once the rental business is eliminated by the government, the economy of the aboriginal may face a great pressure and the social operation and organizations among the aboriginal tribes may be destroyed As a result, the aboriginal tribes were gradually assimilated by Han people. en_US
dc.description.sponsorship 歷史學系 zh_TW
dc.identifier GN0894220028
dc.identifier.uri http://etds.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dstdcdr&s=id=%22GN0894220028%22.&%22.id.&
dc.identifier.uri http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/20.500.12235/95558
dc.language 中文
dc.subject 崩山八社 zh_TW
dc.subject 租業 zh_TW
dc.subject 租權 zh_TW
dc.subject 地理資訊系統 zh_TW
dc.subject 平埔族 zh_TW
dc.subject 道卡斯族 zh_TW
dc.subject Beng Shan Ba She en_US
dc.subject land right en_US
dc.subject GIS en_US
dc.subject Pingpu Tribe en_US
dc.title 崩山八社租業的形成與終結 zh_TW
dc.title Start and Termination of Land Rantal in Beng Shen Ba She en_US
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