石垣島與臺灣的交流史 ～以交通往來的變遷為中心～

Abstract

八重山群島的主島石垣島，與沖繩本島的那霸相距411公里；距離九州鹿兒島則有1019公里；至於日本「中心」的東京，則與石垣島距離1952公里。另一方面，石垣島僅距臺灣宜蘭縣蘇澳鎮236公里 。較之日本「周邊」的沖繩本島，石垣島的地理位置更可說是「邊境」。比起縣政府所在地的那霸，石垣島與臺灣的距離無庸置疑地近上許多。雖然僅僅相隔236公里，兩地的語言、建築物樣式、物價、流行、商品、街道的氣氛、居住的人們等等，全都大相逕庭。 儘管現在與那國島和臺灣之間有條國境界線劃開彼此，但是在戰前日本殖民統治臺灣的時代，這個地區其實沒有國境問題。在本論文的研究目的是，石垣島與臺灣之間在戰前已經存有的交流、住民們對彼此的認識，戰後出現的國境線究竟為兩個地區的斷絕帶來何種變化？更進一步地來說，石垣島、以及臺灣方面，如何改善此種「斷絕」關係，中斷的交流如何復活。本論文以這些問題意識為主軸，透過雙方來往的交通變遷，探討雙方對於彼此所求為何？交流目的究竟為何？為何彼此的交流有其必要性等議題。 第一章是緒論，第二章論述石垣島與臺灣之間交通往來的歷史。因為於1896年、開設連結八重山與臺灣之間的所謂沖臺航路，此一輪船航線促使石垣島的人們脫離傳統封閉的村落社會，前往「新天地」的臺灣，造成移民或勞動人口流動的結果，還有為舊有的村落社會帶來外來刺激與流動性，並成為開拓外在視野的契機。尤其是戰前形成的以臺灣為中心、石垣島為衛星離島的生活經濟圈，論文著眼於如此狀況之下雙方的頻繁交流與自由往來的例子。 第三章以1990年代為中心，主要從經濟方面向觀察石垣島與臺灣的關係。長年以來，在中國與臺灣的政治對立背景之下，因為臺灣與中國之間無法直航轉而停靠石垣島港口的貨船數量增加，石垣島曾經呈現一片熱鬧的景象，石垣島也事實上間接默默支撐著上海的發展與臺灣的經濟關係。以「post香港」這個問題意識為開端，臺灣在1997年香港回歸之前，作為運往中國物流的最重要的中繼據點──香港的替代，而雀屏選中石垣島的過程。對臺灣而言，石垣島與臺灣的直航開航是為了維持臺灣與中國的經濟交流，對石垣島的投資環境加以整備，也有發展為中繼基地的轉型期的意味。 第四章，由觀光面向捕捉石垣島與臺灣的關係。造訪石垣島的臺灣觀光客逐年增加，但是對多數臺灣人而言，造訪石垣島的動機是因為「很近的日本」，並將石垣島視為日本某地的理解。雖然石垣島也有傲視世界的蔚藍海洋的觀光資源，但是對於觀光景點石垣島的印象，並未跨越國境與臺灣共有的狀況、而探討在日本這個國民國家框架中被消化。石垣島如何面對日本這個國民國家的制約，如何在觀光戰略中找到活路，此亦繫乎於石垣島與臺灣的友好交流的基礎之上的相互理解。 第五章以前述四章的研究為基礎，總結論文結論和往後的課題。Ishigaki, the main island of Yaeyama Islands, is located 411 km away from Naha City on the island of Okinawa, and 1019 km away from Kagoshima island of Kyushu. It is located 1952 km away from Tokyo, the “center” of Japan. Nonetheless, it is only 236 km away from the town of Suao in County Yilan, Taiwan. If the islands of Okinawa are considered “peripheral,” the location of Ishigaki would be on the “border.” Compared to its distance to Naha City, where Okinawa’s County Council is based, the distance between Ishigaki and Taiwan is definitely much closer. However, although they are only 236 km apart, there are distinct differences between the two places in their languages, architectural styles, prices, popular commodity, street atmospheres, residents, etc. In spite of the fact that there is currently a borderline between Yonaguni Island and Taiwan, during the pre-War era of Japanese colonial rule over Taiwan, there were no border problems in this area. The aim of this paper is to examine the following questions: firstly, with the preexisting interactions between residents of Ishigaki and Taiwan, and the knowledge about each other, how does the borderline that emerged after the War bring changes to the “cut-off” relationship between the two? Furthermore, on the part of Ishigaki and Taiwan, how do they improve such “cut-off” relationship, and how do they resume the interrupted interactions with each other? With these questions as the core issues of examination, and through the transformation of transportation, this paper aims to investigate the demands and purposes of each side, and the reason for the necessity of such interactions. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter illustrates the history of transportation between Ishigaki and Taiwan. As a result of emergence of the so-called “Okinawa-Taiwan steamship route” (沖臺航路) between Yaeyama and Taiwan in 1896, residents of Ishigaki were able to leave the traditional, inward-looking village community for the “new world” of Taiwan. The results of such move include emigration, the movement of labour force, external stimuli for the traditional village community, and opportunities to explore outward-looking visions. With specific focus on the circle of living centred around Taiwan and with Ishigaki as the satellite island, this paper will dwell on examples of frequent interactions and transportation under such conditions. The third chapter will observe the relationship between Ishigaki and Taiwan in economic terms during the 1990s. For years, against the background of the political confrontation between Taiwan and Mainland China, and the lack of direct means of transportation between the two, Ishigaki had been a prosperous port. In the meantime, Ishigaki also had been silently and indirectly supporting the development of Shanghai and its economic relationship with Taiwan. Starting with the consciousness of the “post-Hong Kong” problem: before the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997, Hong Kong was the most important point of transfer for the logistics going into China from Taiwan; Ishigaki was selected a substitute for Hong Kong after 1997. For Taiwan, the initiation of direct sailing routes between Ishigaki and Taiwan was to sustain the economic interactions between Taiwan and China, to equip the investment environment of Ishigaki, and also to further develop the island into a transition relay base. Chapter four describes the relationship between Ishigaki and Taiwan from the perspective of tourism. The number of Taiwanese tourists to Ishigaki has been on the increase, however, the majority of the Taiwanese visitors set off with the purpose to visit “a very close Japan,” viewing Ishigaki simply as somewhere in Japan. Although Ishigaki possesses the world-class azure ocean as its touristic resource, the general touristic impression for Ishigaki has not been able to transcend the borderline and the shared experiences with Taiwan, and hence has been dilutedwithin the national framework of Japan. How does Ishigaki confront the constraints of Japan, and find its way through touristic strategies? These all depend on the mutual understandings and friendly exchanges between Ishigaki and Taiwan. Based on the researches elaborated throughout the preceding four chapters, chapter five will bring the paper into conclusion and address future topics of interest.