西漢雲中、東郡、南郡、淮北地區王國和郡的政區沿革及其轄區變動
dc.contributor | 管東貴 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor | Kuan, Tung-kuei | en_US |
dc.contributor.author | 鄭宗賢 | zh_TW |
dc.contributor.author | Cheng,Chung-Hsien | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 2019-09-03T10:33:39Z | |
dc.date.available | 2012-6-22 | |
dc.date.available | 2019-09-03T10:33:39Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2012 | |
dc.description.abstract | 《漢書.地理志》乃西漢政區歷經近兩百年調整後的紀錄,全祖望、譚其驤、王恢、周振鶴以王國和郡為單位,建構西漢政區沿革與轄區變動。二十世紀迄今發掘出土的簡牘、印章等文物,諸如張家山247號墓《二年律令.秩律》呈現漢初中央轄縣、紀南松柏一號墓35號牘《南郡免老簿》所見景武之際的南郡、獅子山楚王墓中百餘方官印說明七國亂前楚國轄縣。這些資料所見王國或郡的轄區,卻與前人研究結果出入甚大。究竟有哪些因素導致前人推論失準?有無方法能夠符合傳統文獻與考古文物兩者所反映的政區?成為本論要解決的首要課題 緒論指出現有逆推西漢政區的方法,有以下疏失之處:一是西漢地方行政制度變化很大,西漢前期王國下轄有一至數郡,西漢後期王國略小或等同一郡,因此各政區的轄區未必侷限在《漢書.地理志》同名政區。二是誤將所有同名之王國,視為一脈相承的政區。三是郡能管轄縣、道、邑、侯國等四類的縣級單位,王國僅轄有縣一類的縣級單位,因此「郡/王國」改制會影響該政區轄縣增損。四是縣級單位受到侯國與邑的置廢,與王國或郡同時在頻繁地增損著。 為了解決上述疏失,本論提出重構政區沿革方法有四:一是博採考古資料補充或佐證政區沿革,二是王國與郡應雙軌分開處理,三是擴大考察範圍求取單一政區的轄區變動,四是由《史記》與《漢書》回溯政區要注意置廢時間、地望、戶數等變因。另外,沿革敘述方式尚需補充三點:一是強調王國和郡體制變動的過程,二是說明王國與郡的轄區調整情形,三是以政區圖輔助文字敘述。然而西漢王國與郡高達103個,本論選擇雲中、東郡、南郡與淮北地區,曾發生「郡/王國」改制者進行討論。 第二章考察雲中郡原屬劉喜代國的支郡,由於該郡接近匈奴,幾經匈奴侵擾與代相陳豨為匈奴反漢,高帝收復後,直接與代國換地而將之收回中央直轄。因此《二年律令.秩律》乃是高帝末年至呂后初年雲中郡的轄區。 第三章討論《漢書》記載的高帝罷東郡給予梁國一事,在《二年律令.秩律》卻出現東郡大半縣名。況且東郡南有梁國、北為趙國、東鄰齊國,轄區始終在王國地以西,可知漢初東郡已隸屬中央,故而本章反駁《漢書.高帝紀》罷東郡入梁國之說,並找出中央管轄郡與東方王國群的分界線。此外,東郡的地緣優勢,使其在梁國置廢過程中往東南擴大轄區,並在南界出現犬牙交錯的政界。 第四章探討南郡在景帝時兩度開置臨江國,加上武帝調整南郡一帶的政界,致使《漢書.地理志》南郡與漢初南郡轄區相差甚遠。必須以《二年律令.秩律》在湖北、湖南省的縣名,復原呂后前期南郡的轄區。《南郡免老簿》、《南郡新傅簿》與《南郡罷 簿》,復原景、武之際南郡的轄區。連同《漢書.地理志》的成帝元延、綏和年間(12-7B.C.)南郡,掌握「南郡/臨江國」的政區沿革與轄區變動。 第五章以經度112’40到117’00、緯度34’37至32’03作為「淮陽地區」,考察淮陽國的政區沿革與轄區變動。以淮陽地區王國和侯國分布,配合《二年律令.秩律》的中央轄縣,復原劉強淮陽國轄區。接著整理居延漢簡有關「淮陽郡」的資料,復原西漢中期「淮陽郡」的轄區。再以《漢書.地理志》淮陽國、汝南郡、沛郡等,復原西漢後期淮陽地區各政區的轄區。 第六章延續第五章,討論淮陽地區南半部的汝南郡。景帝雖然廢除淮陽國,汝南國、郡因為後來的隸屬對象不同,加上周遭王國置廢頻仍,使其轄區變動頗大。再加上《史記》在景帝以前沒有「汝南郡」,《漢書.地理志》卻說明是高帝時設置,導致汝南的政區沿革說法分歧。細究文獻出入之處,很可能是楚漢相爭時暫設汝南郡,之後併回淮陽郡至景帝初年為止。 第七章以《漢書.地理志》的沛郡、楚國、魯國、東海郡、泗水國、梁國、臨淮郡為「楚地」的考察範圍,討論七國亂前的楚國轄區。運用《二年律令.秩律》鄰近楚國的中央直轄縣,及清代迄今出土的楚地印章,建構西漢前期楚國的轄區。說明西漢前期中央藉著平定楚地及其周遭的亂事,樹立侯國在楚國的轄區之內。 第八章延續第七章敘述在七國亂後的楚地,政區被大幅調整的過程。然而楚國在宣帝時曾經中斷二十年,改制為彭城郡時能夠管轄侯國,所以《漢書.地理志》無法追溯至漢初楚國的政區。必須以獅子山楚王墓的印章推測劉禮楚國,乃至武帝時楚、魯、泗水等王國的轄區。另外,楚地侯國置廢頻仍,漢初侯國至武帝時凋零殆盡。《漢書.地理志》所見楚地侯國,乃是宣帝至成帝廣設侯國的結果,皆不能以推恩令追溯宣帝以前的楚地政區。 從王國和郡雙軌並行考察西漢政局的演變,劉邦為了解決楚漢相爭的封建問題,試圖以血緣關係作為封建對象,想要強化中央對地方的統治權。可是封建、郡縣雙軌並行制,在惠帝至景帝之間造成王國與中央競逐地方統治權,並爆發七國之亂。隨著血緣關係、以親制疏、眾建、收支郡、推恩等五政策先後形成,不僅限制封建對象、縮小封國轄區,還具有抑制王國叛亂的用意。故而呂后2年(186B.C.)與成帝元延、綏和年間(12-7B.C.)的西漢政區圖,說明中央管轄範圍與王國轄區的此長彼消,反映中央在戶口、財政、國防的強化。故而西漢郡國轄區沿革與變動,說明攘外必先安內的時代意義。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract | Hanshu.Dilizhi is the record of adjustments in Western Han political jurisdiction after nearly two hundred years.Quan Zuwang, Tan Qixiang, Wang Hui, and Zhou Zhenhe used kingdoms and districts as units to construct the history of Western Han political jurisdiction and its changes. From 20th century until now, the excavated relics such as bamboo letters and seals, such asthe central jurisdiction counties shown in early Han from Zhangjiashan No. 247 tomb in Ernien Luling.Zhilu, and the Nanjun as seen under Emperors Jing and Wu from Jinan Songbo No. 1 tomb stele in Nanjun Mianlaobu, and the hundreds of official seals in the Shizishan Chu King tomb that explained the Chu Kingdom jurisdiction counties before the chaos of the seven kingdoms. The jurisdictions of kingdoms or districts in such data have significant differences with previous research results. What factors have caused previous deductions to be inaccurate? Are there ways to conform to the political divisions reflected by traditional literature and archaeological relics? This is the first issue that this thesis seeks to resolve The introduction points out that, current methods for retroactive deduction of the Western Han political region have the following problems: the first is that there were major changes in the local administration system of Western Han. In early Han, kingdomshad one to several districts, and in later Han kingdom were smaller or were equal to one district, so the jurisdiction of political divisions were not necessarily limited to the political divisions with same names in Hanshu.Dilizhi. The second is that all kingdoms with the same name were mistakenly seen as the same political division. The third is that districts could have jurisdiction over counties, ways, villages, andfeudal states at the county level, while kingdoms only had jurisdiction over the counties at the county level, thus “=” system changes would affect the increase or decrease of counties under the jurisdiction of the political region. The fourth is that county-level units are affected by the establishment and abolishment of feudal states and villages, which frequently increase or decrease along with kingdoms or districts. In order to resolve these problems, this thesis proposes that there are four methods for the reconstruction of political region history: the first is widely using archaeological data to supplement or verify changes in the political area, the second is that the kingdoms and districts should be dealt with as parallels, the third is expanding the investigation scope to seek the jurisdiction changes within a single political region, the fourth is using Shi Ji and Hanshu to trace back to the focus on the variables of times of institution and nullification, local power based on the land, and number of households. In addition, the description of the historical changes should also add three points: the first is emphasizing the process of change in the kingdom and district systems, the second is explaining the adjustment of jurisdictions of the kingdoms and the districts, andthe third is using text descriptions of the political region diagrams. However, there were as high as 103 kingdoms and districts in Western Han, this thesis selects the areas of Yunzhong, Dongjun, Nanjun, and Huaibei, discussing areas that have changed the systems between “district/kingdom.” Chapter 2 investigates Zhi District, originally a part of Liu Xidai Kingdom in Yunzhong District. Since the district was close to the Xiongnu, after their harassment from the Xiongnu and Dai prime minister Chen Xi turned on the Han for Xiongnu, and was recovered by Emperor Gao, land was exchanged with the Dai Kingdom and it was retrieved for direct jurisdiction by the central government. Thus Ernien Luling.Zhilu showed the jurisdictions of Yunzhong district from the late Emperor Gao years to the early Empress Lu years. Chapter 3 discusses when Emperor Gao cancelled Dongjun and gave it to Liang Kingdom as recorded in Hanshu, but half of the county names of Dongjun appeared in Ernien Luling.Zhilu. Also, to the south of Dongjun is Liang Kingdom, to the north is Zhao Kingdom, to the east is Qi Kingdom, and the jurisdiction was always to the west of kingdoms. Thus, it is known that at the beginning of Han Dynasty, Dongjun was under central jurisdiction, thus this chapter refutes the description in Hanshu.Gaodiji about Dongjun becoming a part of Liang Kingdom, and finds the boundary between central jurisdiction districts and eastern kingdoms. Additionally, the geopolitical advantage of Dongjun made it expand to the southeast in the process of institution and nullification of Liang Kingdom, and forming intersecting political boundaries on the southern border. Chapter 4 explores Jiang Kingdom being formed twice in Nanjun in the time of Emperor Jin. In addition, Emperor Wu adjusted the political borders in Nanjun, so that in Hanshu.Dilizhi, Nanjun is very different from the jurisdiction of Nanjun under early Han. It is necessary to use the county names in Ernien Luling.Zhilu in Hubei and Hunan Province, restored to the jurisdictions in Nanjun in the early reign of Empress Lu. Nanjun Mianlaobu, Nanjun Xinfubu, and Nanjun Balongbu, were used to restore the jurisdictions in Nanjun under the reigns of Emperor Jing and Wu. Along during the Yuanyan reign of Emperor Cheng in Hanshu.Dilizhi, in 12-7B.C., Nanjun had control over the political division evolution jurisdiction changes in “Nanjun/Linjiang Kingdom.” Chapter 5 uses longitude 112’40 to 117’00 and latitude34’37 to 32’03 as the “Huaiyang area,” to investigate the political division evolution and jurisdiction changes in Huaiyang Kingdom. With Huaiyang area kingdom and feudal statedistribution, along with the centrally administered counties in Ernien Luling.Zhilu are used to restore Liu QiangHuaiyang Kingdom jurisdiction. Then data on “Huaiyang District” in Juyan Bamboo Slips of the Han Dynasty is organized, restoring the jurisdictions of “Huaiyang District” in mid-Western Han. Then, Hanshu.Dilizhi’s Huaiyang Kingdom, Runan District, and Pei District were used to restore the jurisdictions of political divisions in Huaiyang in late Western Han. Chapter 6 is a continuation of Chapter 5, discussing the Runan District in the southern half of the Huaiyang region. Even though Emperor Jing abolished Huaiyang and Runan Kingdoms, since the districts had different jurisdictions later, and the surrounding kingdoms were still frequently being established and abolished, there were great changes in the jurisdictions. Along with the fact that before Emperor Jing, Shi Ji did not have a “Runan District”, but Hanshu.Dilizhi stated that it was established in the time of Emperor Gao, so that there were divergent discourses on Runan’s political division evolution. A detailed exploration of the differences between literature, it may be that Runan District was briefly established during the Chu-Han wars, and later it was combined with Huainan District until the first year of Emperor Jing. Chapter 7 uses Hanshu.Dilizhi’s Pei District, Chu Kingdom, Lu Kingdom, Donghai District, Sishui Kingdom, Liang Kingdom, and Linhuai District as the investigative scope for “Chu lands,” in a discussion of the Chu jurisdiction before the chaos of the seven kingdoms. Using the centrally administered counties near Chu Kingdom in Ernien Luling.Zhilu, as well as the Chu seals excavated since the Qing Dynasty until now, the jurisdictions of Chu Kingdom in early Western Han are constructed. This explains that the central government in early Western Han Dynasty pacified Chu lands and surrounding areas to establish feudal states within Chu Kingdom jurisdiction. Chapter 8 continues Chapter 7 in describing the process of major political division adjustment in the Chu lands after the chaos of the seven kingdoms. However, Chu Kingdom was on hiatus for 20 years in the time of Emperor Xuan, and when it was reconstituted as Pengcheng District it had jurisdiction over feudal states, so Hanshu.Dilizhi could not trace back to political divisions from Chu Kingdom in early Han. It was necessary to use the seals from the Shizishan tomb of Chu King to deduce Liu Li’s Chu Kingdom, to the kingdom jurisdictions of Chu, Lu, and Sishui in the time of Emperor Wu. In addition, feudal states in Chu lands were still frequently being established and abolished, and feudal states in early Han had completely disappeared by the time of Emperor Wu. Feudal states in the Chu lands Hanshu.Dilizhi were the result of broad establishment between Emperor Xuan and Emperor Cheng, but these cannot be used to use renunciation of enfeoffment and titles to trace to the Chu lands before Emperor Xuan. A parallel consideration of kingdoms and districts is used to investigate the changes in Western Han politics. In order to resolve the feudal problems of Chu-Han conflict, Liu Bang attempted to use bloodlines to create feudal relationships and enhance the central governance over localities. However, the systems of feudalism and district-county dual system caused the competition over local governance between kingdoms and the central government between Emperor Hui and Emperor Jing, resulting in the rebellion of seven kingdoms. With the formation of bloodline relationships, using close relations to control the distant relations, group construction, incoming and outgoing districts, and renunciation of enfeoffment and titles, it not only restricted the objects of feudalism and shrank the feudal jurisdictions, but could also suppress kingdom uprisings. Thus, 186 B.C.and Yuanyan of Emperor Cheng,12-7B.C., the map of the Western Han political regions, showed the changes in areas under central jurisdiction and kingdom jurisdiction, reflected on central strengthening in household registration, fiscal issues, and national defense.Thus, the evolution and changes of the jurisdictions in Western Han districts and kingdoms explain the necessity of internal peace before external expansion. | en_US |
dc.description.sponsorship | 歷史學系 | zh_TW |
dc.identifier | GN0894220016 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://etds.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dstdcdr&s=id=%22GN0894220016%22.&%22.id.& | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/20.500.12235/95557 | |
dc.language | 中文 | |
dc.subject | 政區沿革 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 轄區 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 《二年律令.秩律》 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 《漢書.地理志》 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 王國 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 侯國 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | political division evolution | en_US |
dc.subject | jurisdiction | en_US |
dc.subject | Ernien Luling.Zhilu | en_US |
dc.subject | Hanshu.Dilizhi | en_US |
dc.subject | kingdom | en_US |
dc.subject | feudal state | en_US |
dc.title | 西漢雲中、東郡、南郡、淮北地區王國和郡的政區沿革及其轄區變動 | zh_TW |
dc.title | Political Region History and Jurisdiction Changes in Yunzhong, Dongjun, Nanjun, Huaibei Kingdoms and Districts in Western Han | en_US |
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