李源棧與戰後臺灣政治社會發展—以省議會建言為中心

Abstract

「照夜白」、「五虎將」和「五龍一鳳」等語彙，為戰後民間人士、報章媒體，用於形容李源棧的稱呼。作為一名橫跨戰爭前、後兩時期的知識份子，早年接受商學、醫學教育訓練，並以醫師身分，先後投入地方執業、海軍接收工作，逐步在左營、楠梓兩地，建立起社會聲望與人際網絡。而自1953年出任第二屆高雄市議員，至1968年結束第三屆臺灣省議員，李氏常以「無黨無派」身分自居，此者，不僅有利於爭取反國民黨選民支持，亦能提供彈性政治活動空間。諸如自1957年起，他運用該名分參與中國民主黨籌組運動，並以「選舉舞弊」和「公眾利益」作為出發點，歷經中國地方自治研究會、選舉改進座談會等階段，務求透過「體制內改革」模式，穩健追求臺灣民主化發展。至於議政部分，本篇論文分成三個範疇，即「憲政與民主發展、人權議題、地方與社會發展」。首先，關於憲政民主，涵蓋地方自治、民意代表兩小節。前者，從法制與實務面向，依序探討《省縣自治通則》、省長民選之爭取，乃至公務人員違法助選、買票、選監制度失衡等選舉舞弊之改進；後者，經由地方和中央角度，分別述及言論免責權、終身職爭議兩項課題，並檢視李源棧依著法制、現實層面，爭取發言保障和革新體制缺失。其次，對於人權議題，先就「人身自由與安全」，思考流氓取締、執法不當問題，從而推敲警察對民眾造成的人權侵害，乃為李氏特別關注。接著，延伸至司法救濟、新聞出版領域，理解李氏爭取陪審制度、冤獄賠償、人格尊嚴落實，同時，亦曾請求政府尊重媒體對省議員報導，避免出現行政獨斷局面。最後，轉向地方社會視角，循序探究宵禁政策、蓮池潭回收案，以及唐榮鐵工廠、高雄硫酸錏公司等省營企業監督，突顯李氏對高雄在地發展的關懷；再者，回到衛生議題，說明李氏面對密醫、偽藥弊端，甚至浮濫藥商廣告，表達嚴格禁止與有效管理立場。整體而言，李源棧於其從政生涯，雖受外界稱為「五龍一鳳」，並藉著「無黨無派」身分，以及底層勞工形成「群眾基礎」，數度自競選中脫穎而出，但因「逝世時間甚早、政壇後繼無人、缺乏非政治性建樹」，加上無法跳出省議員框架，使得後續影響力，伴隨知名度不足而漸次降低。至於議政方面，根據提案和質詢統計，可知「民生事務」為李氏長期性關注，同時，觀諸建設、交通、農林等議題，也可清楚看見，不少內容常連結至「高雄地區」，充分顯現其身後的地域色彩。然而，即便他在議場表現積極，也只能看作是職權履行一環，又因不少省政提案與其他反對菁英有所重疊，使得李氏在該情況下，不利於強化自身政治建樹。綜合前述各項原委，加上欠缺日治抗爭經驗、戰後地方首長歷練等條件，讓李氏同餘下「五龍一鳳」相比，不易留有顯著名聲。但是，論其建言部分，諸如引進陪審制、批判環境污染等，不但有其劃時代色彩，更在突顯自身獨特性之餘，讓身為反對人士的他，依然對時下社會產生影響力。Phrases such as"Zhao Yebai", "Five Tiger Generals" and "Five Dragons and One Phoenix" were actually used by folks and newspapers to describe Li Yuan-zhan in the postwar period. As an intellectual who spanned the pre- and post-war periods, he received business and medical education and training in his early years, and as a doctor, he successively engaged in local practice and navy acceptance work, and gradually established Social prestige and network in Zuoying and Nanzih. Since he served as the second Kaohsiung City Councilor in 1953 and ended the third Taiwan Provincial Councilor in 1968, Lee often claimed to be"non-party and affiliated". This is not only conducive to winning the support of anti-KMT voters, but also provide flexible space for political activities. For example, since 1957, he has used this title to participate in the China Democratic Party's campaign. Taking "election fraud" and "public interest" as the starting point, he has gone through stages such as the China Local Autonomy Research Association and the Election Improvement Symposium. Through the "reform within the system" model, hesteadily pursues the development of Taiwan's democratization. As for the discussion part, this paper is divided into three categories, namely "Constitutionalism and Democratic Development, Human Rights Issues, and Local and Social Development". First, with regard to constitutional democracy, it covers two subsections of local autonomy and public representative. The former, from the perspective of the legal system and practice, discusses the "General Principles of Provincial and County Autonomy", the struggle for the election of governors, and even the improvement of election fraud such as illegal election support by civil servants, vote-buying behavior, and unbalanced election supervision system; the latter, through the perspective of the local and central government, the two issues of the right to freedom of speech and the dispute over tenure are respectively discussed, and Li Yuan-zhan is examined in accordance with the legal system and reality, striving for speech protection and lack of innovation in the system. Secondly, with regard to human rights issues, Lee is particularly concerned about"personal freedom and safety", thinking about the banning of hooligans and improper law enforcement, and then speculating on the violations caused by the "police" to the people. Then, it extended to the fields of judicial relief and news publication, understanding Li's fight for the jury system, compensation for unjust imprisonment, and the implementation of human dignity. At the same time, he also explicitly requested the government to respect the media's reports on the provincial councilors and avoid administrative arbitrary situations. Finally, turning to the perspective of local society, we explore the curfew policy, the recycling case of Lotus Pond, and the supervision of provincial enterprises such as Tang eng Iron Factory and Kaohsiung Ammonium Sulfate Company, highlighting Li's concern for Kaohsiung's local development; It shows that Lee's position is strictly prohibited and effectively managed in the face of the evils of esoteric medicine, counterfeit medicines, and even false advertisements of drug dealers. In general, Li Yuan-zhan has been called "Five Dragons and One Phoenix" during his political career, and has stood out from the election several times by virtue of his "non-party and non-affiliated" identity and the "mass base" formed by the bottom laborers. However, due to "death early, no successors in the political arena, and lack of non-political achievements", and the inability to jump out of the framework of the provincial councilors, the follow-up influence gradually decreased with the lack of popularity. As for the discussion of politics, according to the statistics of proposals and inquiries, it can be seen that "livelihood affairs" have been a long-term concern of Lee's. At the same time, when looking at issues such as construction, transportation, agriculture and forestry, it can also be clearly seen that many contents are often linked to"Kaohsiung area", fully showing the regional color behind it. However, even if he is active in the assembly, it can only be seen as a part of fulfilling his duties, and because many provincial government proposals overlap with other opposition elites, it is difficult for Li to show his uniqueness in this situation. At the same time, it cannot strengthen its own political achievements. Therefore, considering all the reasons mentioned above, as well as the lack of experience in the struggle against Japanese rule and the experience of local governor in the postwar period, it is difficult for Lee to gain a prominent reputation compared with the rest of the"Five Dragons and One Phoenix". However, in terms of his suggestions, such as introducing the jury system and criticizing environmental pollution, they not only have their own brand-new characteristics, but also highlight their own uniqueness, so that he, as an opponent, can still exert influence on the current society.