地方派系對縣長選舉之影響--以第十五屆雲林縣長選舉為例
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2006
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國民黨靠地方派系長期執政雲林,並以縣長提名權做為制衡各派系的工具,因為縣長職位關係派系的興衰。歷屆擔任縣長者,有了豐富的行政資源作為奧援後,便會開始整合與收編各地山頭,然後自成一派,從早期的林恆生、許文志到廖泉裕以及最近的蘇文雄、張榮味,皆因選上縣長後,相繼成立自己的派系,可見縣長對派系的形成擁有一定的號召力與影響力,可是隨著國民黨威權體制的轉型與政黨輪替的影響,原有的政經資源逐漸喪失,已無法滿足地方派系的需求,地方派系的勢力慢慢凌駕於政黨之上,脫黨或違紀參選之事時有所聞,多次差點因派系分裂而喪失政權,終於在本屆縣長選舉因派系再次不團結,而將執政權拱手讓給民進黨籍的蘇治芬,雲林縣首次由藍天變綠地。從這次縣長選舉結果來看,傳統藍營大於綠營的基本盤已不再,國民黨喪失在雲林縣的優勢,從二00四年第十一屆總統大選、第六屆立法委員選舉到本屆的縣長選舉,民進黨三次選舉的得票率都超過國民黨,這對國民黨而言是一種警訊,因此雲林縣長選舉的失利算是國民黨嚴重的挫敗,至於民進黨則掌握最大的行政系統,將以豐富的行政資源收編地方派系來穩固執政基礎,預期會有更多派系成員投效民進黨,此舉將牽動另一波藍綠勢力的消長與地方派系的重組。
The KMT Party has long reined Yunlin by through its local political faction, and relies on its county mayor nomination rights as a tool to counter other parties, for the country magistrate position bears an inseparable tie to political dominance. County mayors of the past, backed by a wealth of administrative resources, tended to begin integrating and streamlining various prominent local politicians to form a faction of their own, which ranged from the earlier day‘s Lin Heng-sheng, Hsu Wen-zhe to Laio Chuan-yu, to the more recent Shu Wen-hsiung, Chang Rong-wei, all of whom invariably moved to set up a faction of their own upon taking office, suggesting how the country magistrate commanded a certain solidifying power and influence to the formation of local political faction. Yet following its authoritarian rule beginning to undergo transform, and as impacted by the political turnover, the KMT Party’s political and economic cloud had begun to lose its luster, no longer able to satisfy the needs of the local political faction, compelling the power of the local political faction supercede the political party. Not only was it not uncommon to see political defection or running for office without party sanction, but it also risked, in several occasions, of losing its political rein due to breakup in its political factions. As a result of which, at the mayoral election for the current term, the discord within the KMT Party had led to its handing out its political rein of the area to Shu Zhe-fen of the DDP Party, losing the Yunlin County district to the green camp for the first time. Gauging from the results of the mayoral election, the fundamental blueprint that the blue camp overpowering the green camp no longer held, and the KMT Party no longer commanded its edge in Yunline County. The results of the 2004 11th presidential election, the sixth legislator election, and the current mayoral election, in which the DPP had outperformed the KMT in the ballot count, would serve as a warning sign to the KMT Party, making the Yunlin County mayoral election a major setback to the KMT. The DPP had grappled the largest administrative system, would continue to solidify its administration foundation by streamlining the local political faction relying on its ample of administrative resources, and more local political faction were expected to join the DPP Party, a move that would trigger another round of power struggle between the blue and green camps and a reshuffle of the local political faction.
The KMT Party has long reined Yunlin by through its local political faction, and relies on its county mayor nomination rights as a tool to counter other parties, for the country magistrate position bears an inseparable tie to political dominance. County mayors of the past, backed by a wealth of administrative resources, tended to begin integrating and streamlining various prominent local politicians to form a faction of their own, which ranged from the earlier day‘s Lin Heng-sheng, Hsu Wen-zhe to Laio Chuan-yu, to the more recent Shu Wen-hsiung, Chang Rong-wei, all of whom invariably moved to set up a faction of their own upon taking office, suggesting how the country magistrate commanded a certain solidifying power and influence to the formation of local political faction. Yet following its authoritarian rule beginning to undergo transform, and as impacted by the political turnover, the KMT Party’s political and economic cloud had begun to lose its luster, no longer able to satisfy the needs of the local political faction, compelling the power of the local political faction supercede the political party. Not only was it not uncommon to see political defection or running for office without party sanction, but it also risked, in several occasions, of losing its political rein due to breakup in its political factions. As a result of which, at the mayoral election for the current term, the discord within the KMT Party had led to its handing out its political rein of the area to Shu Zhe-fen of the DDP Party, losing the Yunlin County district to the green camp for the first time. Gauging from the results of the mayoral election, the fundamental blueprint that the blue camp overpowering the green camp no longer held, and the KMT Party no longer commanded its edge in Yunline County. The results of the 2004 11th presidential election, the sixth legislator election, and the current mayoral election, in which the DPP had outperformed the KMT in the ballot count, would serve as a warning sign to the KMT Party, making the Yunlin County mayoral election a major setback to the KMT. The DPP had grappled the largest administrative system, would continue to solidify its administration foundation by streamlining the local political faction relying on its ample of administrative resources, and more local political faction were expected to join the DPP Party, a move that would trigger another round of power struggle between the blue and green camps and a reshuffle of the local political faction.
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地方派系, 威權體制, 政黨輪替, 縣長選舉, Local Political Faction, Authoritarian System, Political Turnover, Mayoral Election