東山鄉吉貝耍聚落居民的生活方式

Abstract

本文以人地傳統中的文化景觀與生活方式為主要的研究概念，試圖透過對東山鄉吉貝耍聚落居民物質、制度、精神層面的探究，具體呈現文化接觸與變遷的結果，並建構其區域特色。 文化景觀的內在意義必須透過對區域的文化內涵與歷史脈絡的詮釋，才得以彰顯，因此本文先探討吉貝耍聚落的歷史背景。吉貝耍位於台南縣東山鄉，急水溪支流龜重溪的中游北岸，枕頭山腳下，當地居民的祖先主要是在乾隆年間因番屯政策而自蕭土龍遷來的西拉雅族，此一靠山的位置及複雜的居民組成，使吉貝耍受到漢文化的影響較晚。日治時期吉貝耍的人口組成至少有三個特色：「番」多漢少、漢以福建人居多、段姓為第一大姓，但由於早期的婚姻形式以招贅婚居多，使得許多不同姓氏者的血緣比同姓氏者還要親密。因此判斷本聚落的血緣類型不能像漢人聚落一般僅以「姓氏」作為判別的指標，尚必須考慮本地特殊的歷史背景。 在這樣的歷史背景下，首先探討居民物質上的生活方式，本文選擇民宅為主要觀察對象，以民宅的外部安排、民居外型、內部空間配置為指標，先討論傳統平埔族與傳統漢式民宅，再敘述目前吉貝耍民宅的情況。傳統平埔族在民居整體外部安排上著重實用性、屋舍建立在土台之上、建材及形態以生活實用為主，屋內空間分配不重視輩份的差異；而傳統漢式民宅外部元素的配置則充分顯現了傳統稻作生產型態對漢民族的重要性，除了實用功能外更特別注重屋舍的對稱，表達出著重禮法的深層思考，內部空間配置則以人倫位序為分配原則。而吉貝耍目前的民宅型態多樣，其外型看起來漢化得很快，但由個案研究可發現，一般民人要將差序格局、倫序觀念轉化到內部空間分配上，不見得是直接的，而更可能與「方便行事」、「經濟活動」有關。 社會關係方面，本文以家庭結構與親屬關係為探討對象，主要以婚姻類型、家庭結構、家庭成員的角色、部落及宗族組織為指標。傳統平埔族以招贅婚為主，由於延遲的從妻居及強制墮胎制度，使得家庭中手足的聯繫可能更重於親子的聯繫，且以女性為一家之主，部落組織中則以男性為主，以年齡作為區分。傳統漢人以男娶女嫁為最理想的婚姻形式，已婚男子另外成立主幹家庭，家庭中普遍有男尊女卑、重男輕女的現象，宗族組織則由男性主導。而目前吉貝耍的情形是，最慢在日治時期已經由母系社會轉向父系社會，但同時在某些行為上卻也隱含母系社會的思考方式，如：夫妻地位並重、女子也有一席之地、以前行招贅婚而出現不同姓氏者互相是「共內面仔」的情形、族譜將本家的女性也列入等。因此同時具有平埔思想與漢人思想，並展現在其日常行為中，是吉貝耍目前社會關係的一大特色。 在精神層面則以「村民」為主體，觀察其宗教信仰的空間特性。從文獻中可以發現，傳統西拉雅族的阿立祖、太祖信仰與傳統漢人民間信仰形式差異甚大，目前吉貝耍聚落內既有大公界也有庄廟東河宮，祭祀時間雖遵從漢人以農曆記日的觀念，但祭儀行為則反映出阿立母的地位遠高於清水祖師。由於兩種信仰交織在庄民的日常生活中，故本文透過對民宅大廳的祭祀與民國九十年「熱鬧」的觀察，來展現其空間性。村民認為「佛祖、媽祖婆、公媽牌」與「阿立祖、案祖」可以同時存在於大廳的紅隔桌上、「請佛祖遊庄」與「拜豬」也可以同時出現在民國九十年的「熱鬧」中，阿立母雖與佛祖、清水祖師有差異，但這二者不可割裂。融合了傳統平埔族、傳統漢人信仰，但卻又與二者不盡相同，這正是吉貝耍宗教信仰的空間特色。 由本文的論述可知，吉貝耍特殊的居民組成與歷史背景，影響了今日居民的物質、社會、精神生活，而觀察居民的生活方式，可以發現埔漢兩種文化之間的交融是持續且不斷往復的，有的行為與觀念偏向漢文化，有的則偏向平埔文化，使得吉貝耍產生了不同於其他地區的區域特色。The main concept of this thesis is Cultural landscape and lifeway（Genve de vie）of the Man-Land tradition. By researching the material, institutional and spiritual life of the Chi pei shua villagers, the purpose of this thesis is to find out the result of the cultural contact and changes, afterwards construct its regional character.

This thesis describes the historical background of the Chi pei shua village in the beginning. Chi pei shua village is located by the枕頭Mt. and midstream of龜重溪. Villagers’ ancestor was one tribe of the plain aborigines--Siraya, and they came from Chiali（佳里） during the Chien’lung period for protecting the aborigines. Because of its special location and complex resident composition, it is affected by Han-Chinese culture later than other areas. There were three population characteristics during the Japanese-ruled period: (1) plain aborigines population were more than Han-Chinese; (2)most of the Han-Chinese were came from Fujian; (3) the most first-name of villagers was 段. However, uxorilocal marriage was very popular in the early era. Kindred type of this village could not be determined by the first-name like other Han-Chinese villages.

By this historical background, first we discuss these villagers’ material lifeway. We choose domestic architectures, their external arrangement and forms, and their inner allocation of space as indicators. Pingpu zu care about the practicability of the house, and they built up their architecture on platforn. Elder brothers’ precedence was not very important in allocating the space in the house. On the other hand, the external arrangement of Han-Chinese domestic architecture reflects the significance of the rice cultivation ecological system. Besides practicability, they put more emphasises on the symmetry of house. The allocation of space in the house reflects the social principle that the older brothers take precedence over younger brothers. Now the forms of house in Chi pei shua are various and seem sinicized. But through 6 cases, we find that villagers’ basis to allocate the inner space is not the common social principle but its convenience.

On the aspect of social relation, we choose marriage type, family structure, the role of family members and the organization of tribe and lineage as indicators. Pingpu zu practiced delayed-transfer-uxorilocal marriage and mandatory abortion, so the brotherhood was more important than the parenthood. Female was the leader in family but not in the tribe. Married Han-Chinese male constructs his own family, in which husband’s status is higher than wife’s. Male is also the leader in lineage organization. Chi pei shua has changed to patrilineal society during Japanese-ruled period, but it still has some matrilineal thoughts such as wife has the same status as husband, female’s position is equal to male’s, people who have different first-name are 「共內面仔」, and female’s names are listed on the phylon, etc.. Having both Pingpu and Han-Chinese thoughts and practicing these thoughts on everyday life are the peculiarities of social relation in Chi pei shua.

In spiritual life, we observe the spatial specialty of villagers’ domestic and communal worship. By reading the old documents, we notice that Siraya and Han-Chinese traditional religion are very different. There are 大公界and 東河宮in Chi pei shua nowadays. In religion ritual, villagers use lunar calendar but still put Ali Mu（阿立母）in a higher position. Two kinds of religions display in villagers’ daily life, so this thesis use the domestic worship in 大廳 and annual ceremony in 2001 to reveal the spatiality.「佛祖、公媽牌」 and 「Ali mu、An tsu(案祖)」all appear on the 紅隔桌in大廳. 「佛祖遊庄」and 「拜豬」are both proceeding in annual ceremony in 2001. Although these two religions（Ali mu and 佛祖、清水祖師）are different, they can’t be separated. Jointing the Siraya and Han-Chinese religion but different from them is the spatial specialty of Chi pei shua.

As mentioned above, we conclude that the complex resident composition and special historical background affect the material, institutional and spiritual life of the Chi pei shua villagers. After observing villagers’ lifeway, we find that the two kinds of culture（Pingpu and Han-Chinese）are always affecting each other, and that is just the regional character of Chi pei shua.