A Minimalist Approach to the Kam Construction in Taiwanese

Abstract

本文旨在應用杭士基教授(Chomsky, 1995)一九九五年的極小理論(Minimalist Program)分析臺語的「敢」字句。文中提議臺語的「敢」可視為一提升動詞(raising verb)，後接一呼應詞組(AGRsP)；此呼應詞在臺語包含二個強烈屬性(strong features)：一是疑問記號([+Q1)，另一是焦點記號([+focus])。因此二屬性之故，臺語的「敢」須在邏輯層(LF)移至呼應詞之位置，此移位過程證實臺語「敢」字移位屬第三型主要語移位(X°movement)與其它語言不同，移位不可超過一大句子(CP)。此移位理論除能解釋臺語的「敢」字句中之孤島效應(island effect)外，對臺語的「敢」字句中的焦點訊息亦能提出適當之解說。

The main purpose of this paper is to examine within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995) the kam sentences in Taiwanese and argue that kam should be considered as a raising verb taking an AGRsP as its complement. It is proposed that AGRs contains a strong feature, [+Q] (cf. Shen, 1997), so kam needs to move to AGRs for feature checking before Spell Out under the Economy Principle. It is claimed that X° movement should be classified into three types (cf. Rizzi, 1990), and Taiwanese is subject to the third type of X° movement. Furthermore, AGRs is assumed to have a [+focus] feature (cf. Ouhalla, 1992), which unlike [+Q], will be discharged to Spec of AGRsP via Spec-head Checking, and hence a covert movement of XP to Spec of AGRsP for feature checking after Spell Out is motivated by Procrastinate. Finally, additional evidence from islandhood is found to support the present analysis