台灣制憲運動之研究

Abstract

台灣制憲運動為民主轉型之一環，它在促進台灣憲法變遷與憲政發展上，具有一定的地位與貢獻；尤其從全球「第三波」民主化的進展觀察，台灣的制憲運動，同時也是「全球憲政主義」（world constitutionalism）發展中，不可或缺的一部分，有其重要的歷史意義。 台灣制憲運動的興起，與台灣人「國族認同」（national identity）的變遷有關，更與海外台獨運動密不可分，他們不僅最早從事新憲法草案的研擬，且結合台灣內部的反對運動，帶動台灣1980年代末期，一股制憲運動的高潮，因而形成台灣難得一見的「憲法時刻」（constitutional moment），進而促成執政當局的憲政改革工程，使台灣成為「自由國家」（Free Country）的一員。但制憲運動本身卻未成功，因為從Ackerman「憲法時刻」的五階段理論分析，它雖然經歷了：發出憲法改革訊號（signal）的第一個階段，且社會上當時也公布了幾部新的憲法草案；但因為民進黨在1990年的「國是會議」，與1991年的「第二屆國民大會代表」選舉，連續遭到挫敗，使其提出的憲法草案，未被接受，因此僅停滯在「提出憲法改革方案」（proposal）的第二個階段；而沒有機會進一步發展到：「決定程序」的階段（triggering）；「批准」（ratification）以及「鞏固」（consolidation）的階段，終至功虧一簣。 2003年隨著台灣第一次政黨輪替，當時的陳水扁總統又號召「新憲法運動」，而且從2005年起結合民間團體，致力於新憲法的研擬與宣揚，因此帶動台灣另一波「憲法政治」（constitutional politics）高昂的時期；但這種「以總統為領導」的模式（model of presidential leadership），最終卻因總統本人之家人與親信，涉及貪腐弊案，激起人民與在野黨的不滿，進而引發嚴重的抗議，以致損及新憲法運動的「正當性」（legitimacy），其發展動能也隨之逐漸減弱。2008年的第七屆立法委員選舉，以及隨後的總統大選，執政的民進黨接連兩次的失敗，使新憲法運動也漸漸進入消沈時期。第二次政黨輪替之後，由於新的執政者，有其不同的憲政思維；故目前的台灣可以說正是「憲法政治」沈寂的時刻。 然而本論文的最後結論，認為從台灣制憲運動的發展歷史觀察，它同時也是一種和平運動，正如台灣的民主轉型過程，被國際社會肯定為一場「寧靜革命」（quiet revolution）一樣，它在推展過程中，並沒有演變成群眾暴力，也未造成社會上尖銳的對立；故而對民眾持續的啟蒙、溝通與說服，進而爭取廣大的支持力量，將是制憲運動未來的努力方向；尤其如果能廣泛藉由「審議式民主」（deliberative democracy）的途徑，以凝聚社會共識，或許終有成功之日。

The Movement of Constitution-Making as one phase of Taiwanese democratic transition has a certain status and contribution in promoting Taiwan's constitutional change and constitutional development; especially observed from the progress of the world's "third wave" of democratization, Taiwan’s civil constitutional movement forms an integral part of the important historical significance of world constitutionalism. The rise of the Movement of Constitution-Making in Taiwan has much to do with the changes of Taiwan’s "national identity" and is inseparable from overseas Taiwanese independence movement, which not only first formulated the new draft of constitution but also combined with Taiwan's internal opposition movement to bring out a surge of the civil movement for a new Constitution in Taiwan in the late 1980s, and thus cause the formation of Taiwan's rare "constitutional moments." A large scale mobilized public gives its support to constitutional change forcing the ruling party to start reform of the Constitution that leads Taiwan to become a member of “free countries.” But the civil movement for a new Constitution itself is not successful. According to the five stages of Ackerman’s theory of “constitutional moments,” Taiwan’s civil constitutional movement did experience the first stage of “constitutional moments”, that is, the signal of constitutional changes was sent. It also experienced the second stage of proposing several new versions of Constitution draft by civil society groups and the opposition party DPP. And yet it stays only in the second stage of proposal, due to the public did not support the DPP’s constitutional draft proposed at the “National Conference” in 1990 and their failure in the Second National Assembly Elections in 1991. It is a pity that the remaining other three stages-- triggering, ratification and consolidation, are not realized. With the first replacement of ruling party in 2003, the then President Chen Shui-bian called for "the movement for a new Constitution." From 2005 on, working with non- governmental organizations, he had committed to the formulation and promotion of new constitution. Hence he brought out another wave of constitutional politics to its climax. But this “presidential leadership" model ultimately failed because the family of the president and his cronies involved in corruption scandals that led to a serious protest, resulting in the loss of legitimacy of the new constitutional movement. Its kinetic energy also gradually weakened. Later the DPP again lost both the seventh Legislative Yuan elections in 2008 and the subsequent presidential election. The movement for a new Constitution had gradually entered its subsided period. After the second replacement of ruling party, the incumbent authorities and those in power have different thoughts on the movement for a new Constitution. Hence the present situation for Taiwan can be described as the quiet moment of "constitutional politics". This dissertation concluded that the civil movement for a new Constitution in Taiwan has been peaceful, just like that of Taiwan's democratic transition. It is widely regarded as a quiet revolution by the international community. In the evolving process, it did not turn into the violence of the masses or result in bitter antagonism of a divided society. To keep educating, conversing with the public the importance of constitutional change and thus having their support to constitutional change will be the future direction of the civil movement for a new Constitution. And when "deliberative democracy" is widely adapted to achieve social consensus, a new Constitution will be eventually born.