古南島語否定詞構擬：以臺灣南島語為據

Abstract

本研究旨在提供台灣南島語否定結構的類型學研究，並用以構擬古南島語的否定詞。我採用比較法以比較台灣南島語的否定詞，並以不同的南島語血緣分群假設來構擬古南島語否定詞。 本研究提供近乎所有現存台灣南島語的否定結構類型學探究，包含汶水（澤敖利）泰雅、太魯閣賽德克、特富野鄒、萬山魯凱、郡社布農、北排灣、南王卑南、邵、賽夏、噶瑪蘭、中部阿美以及撒奇萊雅阿美。並討論否定動詞子句（包含祈使句及直述句）、否定名詞子句以及否定存在/領屬/方位句結構。研究發現，台灣南島語可概分為兩大類—動詞子句與名詞子句使用不同的否定詞之語言（包括汶水泰雅、太魯閣賽德克、南王卑南、賽夏與噶瑪蘭），以及動詞子句與名詞子句使用相同否定詞之語言（包括特富野鄒、萬山魯凱、郡社布農、北排灣、邵、中部阿美以及撒奇萊雅阿美）。其中，南王卑南十分特別，因為它是唯一在否定祈使句與否定動詞直述句中使用相同否定詞的台灣南島語。 本研究論述了*ai（動詞句否定詞）、*ini（名詞句否定詞）、*uka（存在句否定詞）與*ka（祈使句否定詞）這四個否定詞的構擬。目前對於這些否定詞在南島語中的構擬階層尚未有確切的證據。此四個否定詞皆有構擬的必要，但*ini和*uka因在現存台灣南島語中有較多的語言證據而更獲支持。根據目前我們所擁有的證據，古南島語很可能在祈使句與動詞直述句中使用相同的否定詞，其運用*ai於動詞句、*ini於名詞句、*uka於存在句。This research aims at providing a typological survey of negative constructions in Formosan languages in order to reconstruct the proto-forms of negative morphemes in Proto-Austronesian. I adopt the comparative method to compare negative morphemes in Formosan languages and reconstruct Proto-Austronesian negators based on different subgrouping assumptions. A typology of negation in nearly all extant Formosan languages is provided, including Mayrinax (C’uli’) Atayal, Truku Seediq, Tfuya Tsou, Mantauran Rukai, Isbukun Bunun, Northern Paiwan, Nanwang Puyuma, Thao, Saisiyat, Kavalan, and Central and Sakizaya Amis. Negative verbal (both imperative and declarative), nominal, and existential/existential/possessive constructions are discussed. It is found that Formosan languages can be divided into two groups based on whether they distinguish verbal clauses from nominal clauses in terms of negation (Mayrinax Atayal, Truku Seediq, Nanwang Puyuma, Saisiyat, and Kavalan) or not (Tfuya Tsou, Mantauran Rukai, Isbukun Bunun, Northern Paiwan, Thao, and Central and Sakizaya Amis). Nanwang Puyuma is unique in that it is the only Formosan language that employs the same negator in imperative and verbal declarative clauses. The reconstruction of *ai (verbal negator), *ini (nominal negator), *uka (existential negator), and *ka (imperative negator) is discussed. There is no conclusive evidence for their level(s) of reconstruction in Austronesian languages so far. Although the reconstruction of the four proto-negators is supported, the reconstruction of *ini and *uka gains more evidence from a wider range of reflexes in Formosan languages. Based on the evidence we have so far, it is probable that Proto-Austronesian did not distinguish between imperative and verbal declarative clauses in terms of negation, and it employed *ai in verbal clauses, *ini in nominal clauses, and *uka in existential constructions.