漢語為二語之英語一語者習得漢語時態之可能性：以有+VP之「有」作為漢語時態標記

Abstract

本研究首先論述「有+動詞片語」之「有」為時態標記，與表完成的英語have + VP和日語句末標記「た」對照，再觀察「有」與漢語助動詞的互動，進而證明「有」為時態標記。漢語助動詞後接限定或非限定子句與時態有關。接著為探究漢語二語者是否能習得作為時態標記的「有」，本研究討論兩種假說：完全遷移/完全運作假說 (Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis)和詮釋假說 (Interpretability Hypothesis)。完全遷移/完全運作假說認為學習二語之初，參數設定受一語遷移影響，隨著二語者程度提升，普遍語法能逐漸將一語的參數重設為二語的參數，二語者終能習得二語；詮釋假說則認為參數重設的前提是語義上為可詮釋的特徵，語義上無法詮釋的特徵即使是高程度的二語者也難以藉由普遍語法重設，因此二語者最終可能習得可詮釋的特徵，但較難習得無法詮釋的特徵。本研究中之「有」隱含時態，為語義上無法詮釋的特徵，若詮釋假說成立，則即使是高程度的漢語二語者也難以習得作為時態標記的「有」，若完全遷移/完全運作假說成立，則高程度的漢語二語者能設定「有」的參數並習得「有」。本研究採用接受度判斷實驗，受試者為漢語一語者和以英語為一語的中級至高級漢語二語者，實驗材料為「有+動詞片語」搭配時間詞和「有+動詞片語」搭配助動詞的句子。英語have + VP和漢語「有+動詞片語」分別表示時貌和時態，「有」對於以英語為一語的漢語二語者來說不僅是無法詮釋的特徵，還與have的時間意義不同。實驗結果顯示漢語一語者和以英語為一語的漢語二語者在「有+動詞片語」的接受度判斷上無顯著差別，表示漢語二語者對「有」的參數設定和一語者無差別，漢語二語者能將have的參數重設為「有」的參數並習得時貌標記「有」，因此本研究支持完全遷移/完全運作假說。Firstly, the present study argues that “you” in “you + VP” functions as tense marker by comparing the structure with “have + VP” in English and the sentence final particle “た” in Japanese, which both imply completion. The study also discusses the interaction between “you” and Chinese auxiliary verbs, suggesting that “you” is a tense marker. Whether Chinese auxiliary verbs take finite or nonfinite complements concerns with tense. Following the function of “you”, the study examines whether L2 learners of Chinese are capable of acquiring “you” as tense marker. Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis and Interpretability Hypothesis are presented in the study. Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis argues that in the initial stage of L2 acquisition, learners transfer L1 parameter value. With higher proficiency, L1 parameter value will be reset to L2 parameter value through Universal Grammar gradually. Learners will acquire L2 ultimately. On the other hand, Interpretability Hypothesis argues that the presupposition of parameter resetting relies on semantically interpretable features. Semantically uninterpretable features through UG are inaccessible even to advanced learners. L2 learners may acquire interpretable features ultimately but lost access to uninterpretable features. “You” in the study is a semantically uninterpretable feature which implies tense. Interpretability Hypothesis will propose that L2 learners of Chinese are inaccessible to “you” as tense marker. Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis will propose that learners with higher proficiency are capable of setting the parameter of “you” and acquire the marker. The study uses grammatical judgment tasks to test the questions above. The participants consist of Chinese L1 speakers and L2 learners of Chinese with intermediate to high proficiency whose first language is English. “You + VP” with time expressions and with auxiliary verbs are tested. English “have + VP” and Chinese “you + VP” convey aspect and tense respectively. “You” is an uninterpretable feature for English L2 learners of Chinese. Moreover, “have” and “you” differs from each other regarding temporal meanings. The result indicates no significant difference between Chinese L1 speakers’ and English L2 learners’ grammatical judgments on “you + VP”, showing no difference between L1’s and L2’s parameter setting of “you.” L2 learners of Chinese are capable of resetting the parameter of “you” and acquiring “you” as a tense marker. The study supports Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis.