「掉」的語義演變與語法化

Abstract

本論文以歷時的觀點研究「掉」字的語義演變、語法化演變模式。上古時期，漢語「掉」字的中心意義為動詞掉1「擺動」，次要義為掉2「扶正」、掉3「帶動」。透過譬喻、換喻等機制，再加上同義並列複合詞的另一個成分的加強作用，中古時期出現了大量的多義現象，即以動物的「擺動」為基礎，衍生出掉4「轉動」。掉5「控制」來源為「尾大不掉」，已經延用為成語。由於掉1可以「擺動」無生命物體，加上掉2「掉鞅」被用來指「駕車」，於是中古時期形成掉6「划船」、「駕車」。晉朝郭璞將「掉」字在「掉希間」的「跳躍」註解為「懸」、「擿/擲」，我們認為「懸」是形成掉7「吊」的來源，而「擿/擲」以及「擲」為中心形成的同義並列複合詞是掉8「落」、掉9「遺留/遺漏/遺失」、以及「掉」作為完結標記的語義來源。我們認為掉8「落」、掉9 「遺留/遺漏/遺失」、以及「掉」作為完結標記的用法在南宋是共時存在的。 我們以Heine (2002) 一個語法形式的形成需要四個階段的路徑假說為基礎，以及一個普遍的語法化過程：拋棄 > 完結標記 的理論為背景來分析「掉」的語法化。我們認為造成語法化的語義來源為一連串「掉」的義項：拋/棄/落/移除/釋放/遺留。從晉朝以來「掉」的「拋棄」義都是和同義動詞搭配成複合詞。這樣的搭配造成「掉」本身詞義的擴張，也造成語法化的語義來源成為一連串「掉」的義項，而且當有新的複合詞形成時，「掉」被放在複合詞的第二個位置導致語義弱化，使得整個「V-掉」結構被重新分析成「結果式動詞複合詞」(RVC) 。南宋時期，「掉」在「結果式動詞複合詞」中仍是一個動詞，指涉動作的結果與完成。我們將清朝時的「掉」命名為「結果標記」，因為清朝時「V-掉」結構已經出現「可能式」，「掉」在現在成為「動相標記」，因為現代漢語平衡語料庫中「V-不-掉」的結構佔了「掉」詞條的 29.3%，而在清朝的語料中卻只佔5.3%。

根據 Hopper (1991, 1996)的「持續原則」，「掉」從南宋開始就和一連串「掉」的義項: 拋/棄/落/移除/釋放/遺留相關的前置動詞搭配，結果從現代的角度來看，「掉」似乎能無窮盡的和沒有相關意義的動詞搭配成「結果式動詞複合詞」。還有從元、明、清殘留的詞彙含義。元朝時，「掉」在「V-掉」中就有標記物體「從有到無」的意義。明代時，「掉」在「V-掉」中可用來純粹標記「具體動作」的完成，清代時更用來純粹標記「抽象動作」的完成。現代漢語中，「掉」在「V-掉」中可用來純粹標記「狀態的改變」。有些「V-掉」結構有負面的含義，無法形成「得掉」或「記掉」。這一方面是因為語法化的語義來源為一連串「掉」的義項: 拋/棄/落/移除/釋放/遺留，而這些義項本身含有負面的特點。另外，元朝時，「掉」在「V-掉」中就有標記物體「從有到無」的意義，而「得掉」或「記掉」不能被接受，也是因為和「掉」的「從有到無」的意義矛盾。This dissertation explores the semantic change of diao in a diachronic perspective. Diao 1 in Archaic Chinese points to a central idea ‘to move up and down/back and forth.’ Diao 2 in diao yang means ‘to keep the strap upright’ while diao 3 means ‘to mobilize.’ In Middle Chinese, diao 4 ‘to turn’ derives from ‘the oscillation of a tail fin.’ Diao 5 ‘to control’ benefits from a conventional metaphor, wei da bu diao ‘hard to control.’ Diao 6 ‘to paddle/drive’ benefits not only from the central idea ‘to sway an entity’ applied to ‘to paddle a boat,’ but also from diao yang, which evolves into ‘to drive’ via the metonymy, PART FOR WHOLE. Diao 7 ‘to hang’ benefits from Pu Guo’s annotation of diao as ‘to hang.’ Diao 8 ‘to drop’ and diao 9 ‘to leave/miss/lose’ are suggested to come from Pu Guo’s another annotation of diao in diao xi jian as ‘to throw’ and from nearly-synonymous compounds associated with diao ‘to throw.’ During Sothern Song Dynasty, diao 8 ‘to drop’ takes shape by extracting the reading ‘to drop’ from a group of synonymous compounds. The same applies to diao 9 ‘to leave/miss/lose’ and a grammatical diao in V-diao. We hold that diao 8, diao 9, and the grammatical diao are in a relation of companions at a synchronic state, not a relation of derivation. Grammaticalization path of diao is analyzed on the basis of Heine’s (2002) four-stage scenario and a general process, ‘to throw,’ ‘to abandon’ > COMPLETIVE. We suggest that the semantic source, a continuum of senses ‘to throw/abandon/drop/remove/release/leave,’ gives rise to a grammatical diao. Diao ‘to throw’ from the Jin Dynasty, strengthened by the preceding verbs within nearly-synonymous compounds, forms a continuum of senses, which makes a contribution to the expansion of the senses of semantic source. Before and during Southern Song Dynasty, when a nearly-synonymous compound is formed, it tends to a construction that places diao in the second position, which weakens diao’s semantic indication and leads to a new interpretation of a resultative verb compounds (RVC) of V-diao in terms of reanalysis. We term diao at this stage as a resultative/completive use in an RVC to characterize that it is a lexical verb but signals some result and the completion of an action. We term diao during the Qing Dynasty as a resultative marker because the potential form occurs. Diao in RVCs in contemporary Chinese is viewed as a phase marker since a potential form of V-bu-diao construction in Sinica Corpus accounts for 29.3% out of 317 diao entries while that during the Qing Dynasty accounts for only 5.3%. Based on the principle of persistence (Hopper 1991, 1996), some traits of the lexical diao meaning a continuum of senses have persisted since the Southern Song Dynasty. Diao tends to collocate with preceding verbs with a hue of the senses in the continuum comprising ‘to throw/abandon/drop/remove/release/leave,’ and the result is inexhaustible V-diao compounds. Some traits of diao in V-diao persist from the Yuan, Min, Qing. Diao in V-diao implies an entity from existence to non-existence and also denotes the completion of an action. In the Ming, diao purely pointing to the completion of a concrete physical action occurs. In the Qing, diao purely denoting the completion of an abstract idea occurs. In contemporary Chinese, a new denotation of diao in V-diao emerges, referring to change of state. Some V-diao entries convey a negative connotation, which is attributable to the continuum of senses, as well. Some V-diaos, ji diao ‘to remember’ and de diao ‘to obtain’ are diametrically opposed to the implication of an entity from existence to non-existence. Some senses along the continuum have a hint of negative features. Old implication and new denotation of diao have coexisted side by side since the Yuan Dynasty.