東亞學系

Permanent URI for this communityhttp://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/handle/20.500.12235/114

本系教育目標:培育區域研究及其應用能力之跨領域人才。

    東亞學系隸屬於臺灣師範大學國際與社會科學院,系所位於臺北市和平東路校本部誠大樓九樓。自100學年度起由「東亞文化暨發展學系」及「國際漢學研究所」整合為「東亞學系」,招收「漢學與文化組」、「政治與經濟組」兩組之大學部及碩士班學生。104學年度政治學研究所整合至本系,並自106學年度起,開始招收博士班,東亞學系之學制達到大學部、碩士班與博士班的完整規模。

  107學年度起,為進一步培育跨領域之專業人才,特別是聚焦於東北亞、中國、東南亞及其周邊等區域,東亞學系改採不分組招生,強調多學科的交融,並以文化與應用、政經與區域發展為主軸。大學部的教學定位在人文社會領域的通才養成,授予文學士(Bachelor of Arts, B.A.)學位。碩士班培育具獨立研究及實踐能力的專業人才,授予社會科學碩士(Master of Social Science , M.S.S.)學位。博士班以高階人文社會研究為主,授予社會科學博士(Ph.D.)。

  系上目前聘有19位專任教師,其中教授有9位、副教授9位、助理教授1位。專長領域涵蓋東亞漢學、歷史、文學、文化研究、國際關係、政治學、兩岸研究、金融與經濟學等,可提供不同學制學生知識養成與生涯發展之需。

 

本系特色

「東亞學系」為國內唯一具有大、碩、博完整學制的東亞研究相關學系,並為跨領域、整合性專業人才的教學研究單位,提供有志於東亞區域研究之學子系統性的學術訓練。赴外研習及深造亦可與歐美、日韓、東南亞多所設有「東亞研究」等名校接軌。

【學術研究】

    本系專任師資學經歷優,研究能量豐富且具學術聲望,研究範圍涵蓋東亞文化思想與應用、政經與區域研究等相關領域,並主持多件科技部及相關產學合作等研究計畫,研究成果豐碩可觀,具國內一流之水準。

【系所國際化程度】

    本系教師背景多元,另聘有日籍與韓籍的外籍教師,提供學生完整教育內容,同時積極鼓勵大、碩班學生赴東亞或歐美國家交換,以開拓國際視野。本系境外生比例高,同儕之間可相互學習跨文化之差異。


課程特色

 本系的教育目標為培育區域研究及應用之跨領域人才,課程涵蓋「文化與應用」、「政經與區域發展」兩大領域,各學制課程特色如下:

【學士班】

    本系學士班旨在培養人文社會領域之通才,以跨地域、多學科為目標,課程兼具「文化與應用」、「政經與區域發展」兩大領域,亦設有日韓語課程,並援引臺師大東南亞各語系課程之資源,提供學生跨文化的認識,以及東亞區域的基本知識能力及視野,課程包括東亞文化概論、東亞文化遺產、東亞漢學概論、東亞區域研究理論與實務、東亞各國文化政策、東亞政經模擬實務等。

【碩士班】

    本系碩士班旨在培養獨立思考與獨立研究之人才。研究領域與師資陣容多元豐富,課程兼具「文化與應用」、「政經與區域發展」兩大領域,在現今的區域研究項目愈趨多元,以及社會上逐漸重視具備跨領域人才的情況下,不論學生的研究興趣為東亞文化與思想、文化創意與應用、東亞政經與兩岸關係、全球化與治理等,修課選擇皆具有廣度與深度。

【博士班】

     本系博士班旨在培養高階之學術研究人才。扣合核心領域課程,強化跨領域研究素質,提供區域研究的紮實訓練。以文化與應用、政經與區域發展二大重點領域,發展東亞研究與教學特色。課程內容設計方面,強調東亞視野、在地實踐、跨域整合及批判思考四大目標,培育具有理論與實踐、全球在地化的高階學術人才。

 

升學就業

升學

 報考本系或校內外文史哲相關研究所,政治、外交、公共事務、國家發展、大陸研究所等

 

就業

1. 東亞漢學、文化應用、政經議題、區域發展等相關研究單位或智庫,從事學術研究人員。

2. 外交、文化、政經、僑務、國家發展等公部門,從事行政或公務人員。

3. 擔任具備專業知識的記者、編輯、旅遊從業人員、行銷、企劃、企業管理人才。

4. 從事翻譯工作,日、韓、英或歐語類外交翻譯專業人才。

5.文化產業等相關創意產業、服務業之專業人才。

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Search Results

Now showing 1 - 10 of 19
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    論孔子的宗教觀並略談台灣民間宗教
    (1999-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
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    自然生態觀與牟宗三先生的濡嘉詮釋
    (1998-01-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
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    康熙時期臺灣社會文化空間:朱一貴事變為軸的詮釋
    (國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1997-11-01) 潘朝陽; 池永歆; Chao-Yang Pan
    Towards the end of the Kangxi(康熙)era, the large number of immigrants coming from what today is Fujian and Guangdong provinces gradually created a Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan. The sociocultural spatiality of the Chinese people in Taiwan's Zhonglu( 中路 )and Beilu (北路 )areas at that time can be divided into three domains: A core area consisting of Fucheng (府城 )and the adjacent Taiwan county; a mixed Min (閩 )-and Hakka( 客 )-speaking outlying area from Xiajiadong( 下加冬 ) to Douliumen (斗六門 ); and a mixed Hakka and aboriginal area to the north of Douliumen. The Nanlu (南路 )area was bounded by the lower Danshui River (下淡水河 );on the right bank were Min-speaking settlers, and on the left was the Hakka sociocultural Domain. In terms of sociocultural character, the Chinese in Taiwan at that time were coarse, fickle, lawless, and scornful of educational and cultural pursuits. It was this character that led to several popular uprisings during the Kangxi period. In particular, the Zhu Yigui Riot (朱一貴事變 ), which spread to all areas of Chinese Taiwan, was a typical product of this sociocultural spatiality. Apart from the characteristic sociocultural structure of the Chinese pioneer society in Taiwan, government oppression was the most direct reason for the sudden popular uprising that occurred in the Zhu Yigui Riot. The local sociocultural characteristics provided the chief basis for the rebellion of Zhu Yigui and his followers. This unique basis inevitably displayed a related spatial nature during the course of the uprising. This thesis discusses the sociocultural spatial of Taiwan during the Kangxi period, and uses the Zhu Yigui Riot as a main thread in shedding light on the spatiality content and significance of all stages of the uprising and its suppression. It also describes the spatial structure of the uprising's major events. This thesis seeks to illuminate the concepts that human activities are fundamentally spatial in nature, and spatiality is a mode of human existence. After first describing the characteristics of the sociocultural space of Kangxi-period Taiwan, the thesis then elaborates on the spatial nature of the emergence and course of the Zhu Yigui Riot.
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    大湖地方性的構成:歷史向度的地理詮釋
    (國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1996-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
    This article will use "Humanistic Geography", which emphasizes the interpretation of history, as the basic method for further discussion of the placeness of Da-hu. Or, to put it another way, will interpret the "Local Characteristics" of Da-hu, which lies east of "Yi-Hsien", 「隘線」 deep in the "Yi-Ken District"「隘墾區」 of the inner mountains, in terms of local culture and historical development. This article will start with the frontier characteristics of Da-hu, its ecological environment and its former identity as a camphor forest. The "frontier characteristics" discussed in this article are based on descriptions in ancient Chinese texts which report a fear of the Da-hu "border", the negative evaluation of Da-hu from the standpoint of Feng-Shui theory and the argument that the "frontier" should belong to Atayal tribe; not the "Yang-Jan Pu-Di"「養贍埔地」of the Hou Long committee 「後?社」 and the Hsin Gang committee 「新港社」 of the Ping-Pu tribe.(平埔族) Drawing upon ancient Chinese texts & modern scholastic viewpoints, this article will then discuss Da-hu's basic terrain, climate and ecology in order to explain why this area was originally a camphor forest. In line with the above theories, this article will point out that the Chinese land developers used private force to invade Da-hu in search of the vast profit to be obtained from camphor trees. But fierce & bloody conflict with the Atayal tribe was inevitable. The Chinese land developers therefore united with the Ching Dynasty national military forces to conquer the Atayal tribe and successfully complete their invasion of their land. It is therefore the conclusion of this study that the formation of Da-hu placeness was only fully completed after the Chinese, in their pursuit of profit from natural resources, invaded the region and subdued the Atayal tribe through armed force.
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    書院:儒教在地方的傳播形式
    (鵝湖月刊雜誌社, 1995-11-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
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    從赫特納到沙學浚的地理學本質論
    (國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1999-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
    任何一門長遠的學術;必有其悠久的本質論傳統。地理學亦不例外。赫特納首創 區域特性描述詮釋的「地誌論」地理學本質論典範,對本世紀全球地理學界具有深刻的影響, 我國當代地理學之開創和發展,赫氏典範實際產生了重要的意義。對於臺灣現代地理學而言, 沙學浚教授居於開創者重鎮的崇隆地位,他的地理學本質論,明顯歸屬於赫特納的「地誌論」 典範。學術思想的傳承和發揚是重要的,本文的目的即是通過學術思想的源發及承續之脈絡 和內涵的詮釋與釐清,用以彰著由赫特納到沙學浚的地誌論地理學本質論。 地理學本質論牽涉存有論的哲學性依據;地理學是一門科學,也是一門空間之學,本文 指出赫特納的科學觀和空間觀,基本上源發於康德的空間哲學以及新康德主義的雙元性科學 觀念。因此本文先詮釋康德空間論以及新康德學派的科學觀,再詮釋赫特納的地誌論地理學 本質論的科學思想以及其辯證性的空間-區域觀念。 復次,本文點明:沙學浚教授早年求學的時空背景使他深受赫特納地誌論典範的影響; 本文根據沙學浚教授的地理論著之文本,判析其基本的地理學本質論,乃是赫特納的地誌論 地理學本質論典範下的思想系統。 赫特納典範是值得珍貴的,沙學浚地理本質論深受其導引,而本文亦指出另一位重要地 理學者陳正祥教授的地理學本質論,其實亦屬赫氏典範的實踐,本文於此指明對現代臺灣的 地理學之開創而言,沙陳二氏的地理本質論實有其期同源頭。 本文最後特別引釋《孟子》關於「王道仁政」的論述以顯證由赫特納到沙學浚的「地誌 論」地理學本質論的研究進路,實具有「經典」型的永恆性地位,值得我們珍惜貴重,切莫 輕忽。
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    粵東原鄉三山國王崇拜現象:一個文化歷史脈絡的析論
    (國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1993-09-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
    Through the deification by Sheng Tuan-ming—shaman, intellectual, official and local of Eastern Kuangtung--the role of San-shan Kuo-wang as an Eastern Kuangtung local deity is linked with the age-old Chinese tradition of shamanism in the form of a local protective deity possessing a triple-stratum holy space. This triple-stratum holy space centres on the original temple at Lintien, Eastern Kuangtung. The outer stratum is "the whole realm," whose sphere is the government's religious authority. The middle stratum is "the south," as evidenced by pantheistic folk culture. The inner stratum is "the land of Eastern Kuangtung," providing the nourishment of natrue worship to the San-shan Kuo-wang cult. All three strata are permeated by the spirit of shamanism.
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    淺說深度生態學
    (鵝湖月刊社, 1999-04-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
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    臺灣關帝信仰的文教內涵:以苗栗區域為例之詮釋
    (國立臺灣師範大學地理學系, 1998-05-01) 潘朝陽; Chao-Yang Pan
    This article examines the significance and distribution of Taiwan's "KuanTi (關帝 ) Worship" in the Miaoli Area from the Ching Dynasty until present times. KuanTi is a Chinese deity (originally mortal) revered by both officials and private citizens and employed over the past few hundred years to promote the precepts of Confucianims. Faith in KuanTi has an extremely deep influence over the soul, life and personal morals of the Chinese people. The conquest of Taiwan by Koxinga (國姓爺), unleashed a flood of Chinese immigration to Taiwan, bringing the "KuanTi" to Taiwan where it sank deep roots which only strengthened over time. Local Chinese never lost their faith in KuanTi, even during the severe cultural repression experienced during 51 years of Japanese occupation. The extremely deep influence KuanTi held over daily life, an influence that reinforced Confucian ideals with every visit to the KuanTi Temple, enabled locals to maintain their cultural identity. Without the influence of KuanTi, and the dedication of his earlier follows to establish his faith in Taiwan, Chinese culture would have been overwhelmed during the occupation and Taiwan would have been left a perpetual slave to Japan.