洪致文Hung, Chih-wen何仁佑He, Ren-you2019-08-292020-01-162019-08-292017http://etds.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dstdcdr&s=id=%22G060023022L%22.&%22.id.&http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/20.500.12235/94075常見的違建聚落主要有兩種分布的型態，一種集中在因為郊區化而衰敗的內城中；另一種在主要城市的邊緣，為貧困又無家可歸的外移民進駐所建成。而臺灣的違建聚落在獨特的歷史背景下則產生了與上述兩類截然不同的分布情形：違建聚落散佈並鑲嵌在都市核心裡。 1949年，國共內戰後戰敗的中華民國政府帶著大量軍民撤退來到臺灣。在有朝一日反攻大陸、回歸家鄉的思維下，上級允許於這些無處可居的下屬暫時、就近搭蓋臨時住屋，地點是在尚未使用的公有地和都市計畫預定地上。這項臨時命令成就了今日臺灣違建聚落散佈又鑲嵌在都市中的獨特分布。 1955年後，隨著城市的發展，都市計畫重新被拾起，這些都市計畫預定地和公有地上的違建聚落，成為了都市為了健全發展所必須消滅的對象；然而因為早年這份就地安置的歷史背景，使得臺灣的違建在拆除時衍生出了特殊的補償金制度。龐大的補償金使得市府部門的違建決策需要更加的審慎，也使得整個大型舊違建聚落的拆除歷史具有極高的政治意義。 本文的研究目的主要有二：首先，探討臺灣違建聚落的發展脈絡，以解析其獨特的空間分布樣貌。再者，歸結出違建聚落的消滅與都市政治的關聯性；本文主張，由於早年的獨特分布，這些由軍公教人員的行政歸屬所形成的獨特空間分布，其遭到消滅的過程並非是單純的都市更新或向外擴張，而是一個更為獨特的都市政治過程。 臺北市作為臺灣的行政中樞，早年違建數量和違建居住人口佔總人口比例亦為全臺最高，分別為52,887棟、28.13%（1964年調查報告），因此做為研究臺灣違建聚落的城市代表。 本研究發現，整個臺北市的違建聚落的消滅過程，在不同時期有著不同的特質。隨著不同的市長的規劃理念，特定時期有相同空間屬性的違建聚落遭到大量拆除，這個揀選過程經歷了防空疏散、城市美化、發展郊區及公園創造運動等，而被鎖定拆除的違建聚落對象則從道路轉向公園，顯示了不同施政願景和城市空間想像導致了臺北市的違建地景選擇性的消失。In 1949, the government of Republic of China retreated to Taiwan with more than one million population composed of soldiers and dependents. The government allowed these homeless people for building houses on unused commons and land for urban planning. This emergency command caused the unique landscape that squatter settlements distribute over cities in Taiwan today. After 1955, because of the urban development, these squatter settlements had to be eliminated. However, as a result of the historical background, there is a compensation system. Due to the cost of compensation, the city government must be more prudent on policy-making. The demolition history of the large old squatter settlement seems to be political. This study has two purposes. First, we analyze this squatter settlements’ unique distribution through exploring historical context. Second, we generalize the relationship between squatter settlements’ demolition and urban politics. We claim that because of the early relocation, the process of squatter settlements’ demolition in Taiwan is not simply for urban renewal but for a urban political process. We chose Taipei City as the researched area because it has the largest number of squatter buildings and the heightest percentage that population live within squatters of total, are 52,887 and 28.13%. We have found that the demolition process of squatter settlements in Taipei had several trends. In some periods, government had given priority to demolish some squatter settlements that had similar geographic spatial characteristics. The sites of demolition had experienced roads, parks and slopes that had been according to the city government’s vision and space imagines.大型舊違建聚落都市政治臺北large old squatter settlementurban politicsTaipei