林雪娥教授黃建智2019-09-032012-7-202019-09-032007http://etds.lib.ntnu.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dstdcdr&s=id=%22GN0693210145%22.&%22.id.&http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/20.500.12235/97659本研究從歷時的角度，以語法化(grammaticalization)理論的觀點檢視漢語「可」字的多種功能。本文共檢視漢語八個時期的文獻，每時期的文獻各取一百筆包含「可」字的語料。本文所檢視的文獻有：尚書與詩經（上古前期，西元前十一世紀至前六世紀），論語（上古後期，西元前五世紀至前三世紀），史記（前中古時期，西元前二世紀至西元三世紀），世說新語（中古前期，西元三世紀至六世紀），敦煌變文（中古後期，西元七世紀至十三世紀），水滸傳（近代前期，西元十四世紀至十六世紀），紅樓夢（近代後期，西元十七世紀至十九世紀），以及聯合副刊（現代，民國以後）。 本文採從語料出發(data-driven)的研究方法，不帶先驗的預設立場，並從語義以及語用的觀點分析所採之語料。文化和語境因素如對話發生之背景訊息以及對話者間的社會關係皆視為分析語料時的重要考量。本研究期能藉此一廣泛而歷時的語料檢視，對漢語「可」字多種功能之間的關係與其發展脈絡提出一套完善的解釋。 本研究發現，「可」字自上古時期即已具備多種功能：及物動詞，不及物動詞，表可能性的動力情態(dynamic possibility)助動詞（環境上可能(circumstantial possibility)以及情理上可能(rational possibility)，以及表必要性的義務情態(deontic necessity)助動詞。自上古時期，「可」字的動詞用法即已罕見，而其助動詞用法則已廣泛運用，尤以動力情態的助動詞用法為最。自上古後期始，「可」字開始具有表達允許的義務情態助動詞用法。自中古後期始，「可」字具有表達意願的助動詞功能，表強調的副詞功能，以及作為前綴的功能。於近代後期，「可」字的強調副詞功能原有的對比的蘊含意(implicature)逐漸強化。此一對比的蘊含意並於現代進一步規範化(conventionalize)而發展出對比連接詞的功能。再者，「可」字於現代漢語使用中發展出認知情態(epistemic modality)的助動詞用法，此一用法常常由雙音詞「可能」表達。「可」字的及物動詞的用法自中古前期即已不再出現，而它的不及物動詞表「能幹，能勝任」的用法自上古晚期則不再出現。此外，「可」字的義務情態必要性助動詞用法也不見用於現代。 「可」字功能的發展歷程符合語法化的理論內涵。它不及物動詞的用法由及物動詞轉化而來。其轉變源於強化對比的語用需求而使其及物動詞的受詞主題化(topicalization)，因此原本的及物動詞逐漸失去及物性(transitivity)而轉成不及物動詞。「可」字的動力情態的助動詞用法亦是由及物動詞發展而來。其及物動詞用法因語意重心的移轉而重新分析(reanalysis)轉成助動詞。「可」字表情理上可能的動力情態助動詞由其表環境上可能的動力情態助動詞發展而來，而它義務情態助動詞則由表情理上可能的動力情態助動詞轉變而來。這兩種發展都牽涉到主觀化(subjectification)的現象。概括而言，「可」字早期的語法化歷程，不管是從及物動詞變成不及物動詞，或是從動詞變成助動詞，都牽涉到轉喻(metaphor)的過程。而它晚期的語法化歷程則是牽涉到換喻(metonymy)的過程。「可」字的副詞與連接詞的功能都是從語境蘊含(contextual implicature)規範化而來。此外，頻率效應(token frequency)以及詞彙化(lexicalization)歷程也都是「可」字語法化歷程中重要的機制。「可」字的意願助動詞與前綴用法，以及其雙音節的同義詞「可以」和「可是」，都與這兩種機制的運作有關。「可」字多種功能的發展再再證實了語法化歷程中，從具體到抽象，從客觀到主觀，以及從主語取向到說話者取向的種種發展現象。The present study investigates the divergent functions of the Chinese morpheme ke in the diachronic perspective, within the account of grammaticalization theory. Data of eight periods of Chinese are examined and 100 tokens of ke are selected from each text of the eight periods. The selected texts are Shangshu and Shijing (Early Old Chinese, 11th B.C. – 6th B.C.), Lunyu (Late Old Chinese, 5th – 3rd B.C.), Shiji (Pre-Middle Chinese, 2nd B.C, – 3rd A.D.), Shishuoxinyu (Early Middle Chinese, 3rd – 6th A.D.), Dunhuangbianwen (Late Middle Chinese, 7th – 13th A.D.), Shuihuzhuan (Early Pre-Modern Chinese, 13th – 16th A.D.), Honloumeng (Late Pre-Modern Chinese, 17th – 19th A.D.) and Lianhefukan (Modern Chinese, 21st A.D.~). This study is data-driven in nature, without any a priori assumptions. The analysis of data is conducted on the basis of ke’s semantic meaning and pragmatic inference. Cultural factors and contextual factors such as background information and relations between the speaker and the addressee are also taken into consideration. It is hoped that, through this comprehensive diachronic investigation, the relationships among and developments of ke’s divergent functions can be well accounted for. It is found that since Early Old Chinese, ke has functioned as a transitive verb, as an intransitive verb, as a dynamic possibility modal (a circumstantial use and a rational use), and as a deontic necessity modal. Its verbal uses have been rare since then, whereas its modal uses, especially the dynamic ones, have been predominant. In Late Old Chinese, ke starts to function as a deontic modal expressing permission. In Late Middle Chinese, ke can function as a volitional modal, as an emphatic adverb, and as a prefix ‘-able’. In Late Pre-Modern Chinese, the contrastive meaning of ke’s emphatic adverbial use becomes strengthened. In Modern Chinese, the adverbial ke’s contrastive inference is conventionalized and develops into a contrastive conjunction. Furthermore, ke also functions as an epistemic possibility modal, realized by可能 keneng. Regarding the disuse of ke’s old functions, its function as a transitive verb does not occur anymore after Early Middle Chinese and its function intransitive verb use of ‘to be competent’ does not occur after Late Old Chinese. Moreover, its use as deontic necessity modal is not found in Modern Chinese. The development of ke’s functions accords with the theory of grammaticalization. Its dynamic modal use is derived from its transitive verb use through three stages of reanalysis (Xing 2003). Its function as a dynamic rational modal derives from its function as a dynamic circumstantial modal and its function as a deontic modal develops from its function as a dynamic ration modal. Both changes involve subjectification. Generally speaking, the early stages of ke’s grammaticalization from a verb to a modal and from a transitive verb to an intransitive verb involve the mechanism of metaphor while the later developments of ke’s grammaticalization concern the mechanism of metonymy: both the adverbial function and the conjunctive function of ke are instances of conventionalization of its contextual implicatures. Frequency effect and lexicalization have also involves in ke’s grammaticalization. Asides form its prefix use and volitional use, ke’s modal alternant keyi and its adverbial alternant keshi are the manifestations of frequency effect and lexicalization. The development of ke’s divergent functions has illustrated the grammaticalization from concrete to abstract, objective to subjective, and from subject-oriented to speaker-oriented.語法化漢語助動詞可語用歷時grammaticalizationChinese modal auxiliarykepragmaticsdiachronic