Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/77345300/24663
Title: 香港粵語借詞聲調規律之研究
Authors: 吳瑾瑋
Issue Date: Mar-2007
Publisher: 國文學系
Department of Chinese, NTNU
Abstract: 本文試圖從優選理論架構分析香港地區音譯借詞的聲調規律。粵語中自英語譯音而來的借詞詞彙量頗大,粵語和英語原為不同語言類型,分別以重音和聲調為該語言重要的辨義成分,但借詞產生的聲調仍呈規律性運作。如粵語借詞聲調以55 高調對應主重音,如card[kat H],stick [si M tik H]等,而如cigar [syt M ka H]和guitar [kit M t□a H]主要重音在第二音節,借詞也以高調對應第二音節的重音。在優選理論架構下,粵語借詞對應主重音時,以高聲調來對應,而對應非重音則不選擇高聲調對應,此乃聲調中音高音長直接影響重音聽辨認知的音韻意義。在此,相關的制約如優勢對應制約、聲調必要制約、優勢單位連聲調制約等,透過制約交錯排序篩選,而顯出借詞中聲調對應重音的處理過程。其中優勢對應制約要求優勢單位要顯出來,聲調必要制約是針對粵語的音韻系統要求,也是指借詞受到借入語系統的限制。而優勢單位和聲調相組的制約層級,是針對優勢單位聲調的選擇,要讓優勢單位顯明出來,連高聲調使其音高較高,音長較長,相對之下,其他非優勢單位的聲調便弱化,音高略降音長略短,便有烘托優勢單位的效果。以上所述的制約是存在於普遍語法的,並不是專為粵語借詞聲調規律所設計的制約。
The aim of the study is to analyze the tonal patterns in Cantonese loanwords within the Optimality Theoretical framework. In loanword phonology, the issue of 'interlanguage rules' is reinterpreted within Optimality Theory, assuming that the different rankings of the universal constraints are the mechanism of adjustments in loanwords. In many languages a stressed unit would attract or interact with the high tone, so as in Cantonese loanwords. Within the Optimality Theory framework, the linguistic 'prominent unit', such as the stressed syllable, has to be respected faithfully, and the high tone is chosen to map through the constraints of the tonal hierarchy. The mapping of high tone and stress is shown such as: 'card', a monosyllable with H tone, ‘stick’, a disyllabic word with L-H. The syllables corresponding to the main stressed units of the source words, are respected to be the prominent head. And they would attract a high tone. The Prosodic Faithfulness constraints make reference to lexical and surface prominence and require related strings to match in this prominent structure. It is proposed that the ranking of the constraints FAITH-PPROM and TONAL-HIERARCHY gives the explanation of the relationship of tone and stress.
URI: http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw//handle/77345300/24663
Other Identifiers: 0FBBA730-F293-C3A0-37AB-18985F0EE091
Appears in Collections:中國學術年刊

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