Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw:80/handle/77345300/17118
Title: A Minimalist Approach to the Kam Construction in Taiwanese
Other Titles: 從極小理論看臺語的「敢」字句
Authors: 陳純音
沉世忠
Chun-yin Doris Chen and Shih-chung Henry Shen
Issue Date: Apr-1998
Publisher: 國立臺灣師範大學研究發展處
Office of Research and Development
Abstract: 本文旨在應用杭士基教授(Chomsky, 1995)一九九五年的極小理論(Minimalist Program)分析臺語的「敢」字句。文中提議臺語的「敢」可視為一提升動詞(raising verb),後接一呼應詞組(AGRsP);此呼應詞在臺語包含二個強烈屬性(strong features):一是疑問記號([+Q1),另一是焦點記號([+focus])。因此二屬性之故,臺語的「敢」須在邏輯層(LF)移至呼應詞之位置,此移位過程證實臺語「敢」字移位屬第三型主要語移位(X°movement)與其它語言不同,移位不可超過一大句子(CP)。此移位理論除能解釋臺語的「敢」字句中之孤島效應(island effect)外,對臺語的「敢」字句中的焦點訊息亦能提出適當之解說。
The main purpose of this paper is to examine within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995) the kam sentences in Taiwanese and argue that kam should be considered as a raising verb taking an AGRsP as its complement. It is proposed that AGRs contains a strong feature, [+Q] (cf. Shen, 1997), so kam needs to move to AGRs for feature checking before Spell Out under the Economy Principle. It is claimed that X° movement should be classified into three types (cf. Rizzi, 1990), and Taiwanese is subject to the third type of X° movement. Furthermore, AGRs is assumed to have a [+focus] feature (cf. Ouhalla, 1992), which unlike [+Q], will be discharged to Spec of AGRsP via Spec-head Checking, and hence a covert movement of XP to Spec of AGRsP for feature checking after Spell Out is motivated by Procrastinate. Finally, additional evidence from islandhood is found to support the present analysis
URI: http://rportal.lib.ntnu.edu.tw//handle/77345300/17118
Other Identifiers: 494E194F-A333-58F5-ADF2-1A565DE71AA3
Appears in Collections:師大學報

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